Elections

How Confident Can We Be of
Victory in November?

We can’t even be sure that the best president of modern times will win reelection over a doddering fool in thrall to our society’s most dangerous elements.

In a way never seen before, America has gone mad.

The Democratic Party, having left the likes of Henry Jackson and Daniel Patrick Moynihan far behind, is being steered by the ideology of Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio Cortez. It’s in thrall to a Maoist mob. It’s tacitly (and sometimes not so tacitly) accepting wholesale destructiveness. It’s in bed with the Black Lives Matter terrorist group, contributions to which end up in party coffers. While the party lets Bolshevik bullies get away with violence, it vilifies decent citizens who try to defend themselves and demonizes cops who simply want to do their job. 

In this year’s presidential election, the party—and I never in my life imagined that I would be writing such a sentence—is running a manifestly senile relic who was always a mediocre hack at best; who’s best known for plagiarizing banalities and fondling little girls, and who, at a point when he was presumably somewhat less senile, cheerfully sold out his country in exchange for payoffs to his son from China and Ukraine. 

During the last few weeks, while Joe Biden has been dithering around in his basement, local and state Democratic leaders around the country have been allowing violent radicals to run wild in the streets, set fires, smash private property, and beat people up. Democratic mayors have allied explicitly with the radicals, echoing the insane calls to “defund the police” and rounding up troublemakers only to invite them to accuse cops of misconduct.

Many political leaders have followed the rioters’ lead in tearing down and vandalizing statues—not just of Confederate Civil War generals, which was the original idea, but of Union generals, abolitionists, Abraham Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Frederick Douglass, and 9/11 heroes. It’s no longer about achieving racial justice but about accomplishing a Taliban—or Reign of Terror—style eradication of the past. 

In Seattle, the mayor refused to resist a takeover of several downtown blocks until the perpetrators marched on her own house. (Her government is now forcing white city employees to take training sessions in which they must “affirm their complicity” in racism and work on “undoing their whiteness.”)

If anything is crystal clear at present, it’s that all this leftist mayhem, encouraged by the Democratic Party and its adherents, represents an existential threat to America as we know it.

In St. Louis, a couple who brandished guns to defend their home from a marauding mob has been targeted for harassment by local prosecutors.

In New York City, Mayor Bill de Blasio, who has forbidden all large public gatherings except Black Lives Matter protests, led a group who painted the words “Black Lives Matter” in large yellow letters on Fifth Avenue outside Trump Tower. When an electronic sign reading “The safety of all lives matter” (sic) appeared on a street in Melrose, Massachusetts, the mayor ordered it taken down, apologized profusely to local residents, and demanded to know who’d put it up. 

Major corporations, terrified of the Marxist rabble, are succumbing to their demands, issuing obsequious declarations of support, forcing employees to read books about their white privilege, and firing those who don’t grovel sufficiently. Disney has signed a development deal with Colin Kaepernick, whose refusal to stand for the national anthem helped kick off all this insanity. Oprah plans to produce materials based on the New York Times’ discredited “1619 Project,” which depicts an America founded on racism. 

Our colleges, long factories of far-left ideology, cheer on the rioters. The University of Washington has ordered professors to give passing grades to black students, who are presumably too busy protesting to do schoolwork. In response to protests, USC removed a John Wayne exhibit. When Penn State issued a statement saying that it welcomed students of all kinds, including conservatives, the backlash was so tremendous that it withdrew the statement. At Princeton, more than 200 faculty members have demanded that the administration address “systematic racism” by adopting over 40 sweeping initiatives that would (among much else) ensure ideological purity in hiring and in academic writings, give extra sabbaticals to black professors, and establish a campus anti-racism center. 

Even the U.S. Army has gotten into the act, sending an email to all personnel saying that the word “colorblind” and the statements “all lives matter” and “Make America Great Again” are evidence of “white supremacy.” (To be sure, the Army backtracked when called on this move by a congressman.)

And the national media are aiding and abetting this hysteria in every way they can, suppressing some news stories and magnifying or inventing others in an effort to depict this totalitarian insurgency—which is a war not on racism or fascism but on democratic capitalism, individual liberty, and civilization itself—as a step forward for civil rights. 

An Existential Threat

It’s insane—all of it. This isn’t America. This new dispensation casts aside every constitutional principle.

What’s the meaning of freedom of speech when dissent from Black Lives Matter orthodoxy can lead to professional suicide, social ostracism, and mob justice? Where are the rights of the individual when the country is in the grip of an ideology that demonizes the very idea of individualism? How can we speak of all Americans being born equal when members of certain purported oppressor groups are being demonized, tormented, and silenced, and members of approved victim groups are allowed to commit felonies with impunity? How can we refer to America as “the home of the brave” when people in positions of responsibility are behaving with breathtaking cowardice—willing, without an instant’s hesitation, to mouth the insipid slogan “Black Lives Matter” or take the knee in submission to punks? 

If anything is crystal clear at present, it’s that all this leftist mayhem, encouraged by the Democratic Party and its adherents, represents an existential threat to America as we know it, and that, whatever one may think of Donald Trump’s personality or policies, it would be sheer madness to vote for anyone other than him in November. 

And yet every day I turn to Facebook to find friends and relatives around the country whose lives, it seems, are fully devoted to the effort to unseat the president. These are people who have comfortable homes, stable lives, beloved children, prized careers—people who have no interest in seeing the system overthrown, the Republic toppled. And yet instead of being unsettled by the unprecedented nationwide disorder promoted by the Democrats, they’re gunning for Trump. 

It’s as if they don’t even know what’s going on.

And I suppose that, to an alarming extent, they don’t. Many of them get their news, I can only surmise, exclusively from CNN, MSNBC, NPR, the broadcast networks, and/or the New York Times, all of which are putting a preposterously pretty spin on the pandemonium, all the while smearing Trump 24-7.  

And how much news, true or fake, do these people really consume, anyway? Not much from the looks of it. Despite all that’s happened since Trump entered office, they all seem to be in November 2016 mode—still outraged that Hillary Clinton lost, and still ready to believe that the Russians did it. 

Not only don’t they seem to follow the news very carefully, but they also don’t seem to pay much attention to the weapons they’re handed to use against Trump. When he was elected, they all parroted the claim that he’d become a dictator, sending gays and journalists and political enemies to gulags and starting unnecessary wars with other countries.

Since even low-information voters must be aware that none of this has happened, the anti-Trump line has shifted. The other day, a Trump hater on my Facebook feed triumphantly posted a campaign video in which Trump was castigated for being too weak to stand up to Putin. In the comments, other Trump haters registered their glee. None of them seemed to notice that the nature of the case against Trump had done a total 180. It seemed not to matter. They were ready, one gathered, to embrace anything that was anti-Trump, however asinine it might be.  

Reasons to Take Heart

Given everything he’s accomplished, given the thoroughgoing duplicity and corruption of his political opponents, and given how magnificently he’s stood up to the members of their paramilitary wing as they’ve ravaged America’s cities, Trump’s reelection should have been assured—as should a huge Republican victory in the Senate and House.

And yet as I read the postings by these fools on Facebook, I can’t feel entirely confident of his victory in November. For these people are legion, and I get the impression that none of them will ever vote for Trump, no matter what. I don’t even imagine that longtime blue voters in cities like Minneapolis and Portland and Seattle will turn red because of the chaos they’ve seen in the streets. 

Am I wrong to worry that Trump might lose? I hope to God I am. I look constantly for signs that I’m wrong. One of them was the spectacular failure of the campaign to boycott Goya simply because its CEO took part in a White House business summit. Another is the proliferation of rallies in support of the police. Then there’s the new Sunday Express poll which, unlike a number of other recent surveys, shows Trump winning the Electoral College handily. 

I also take heart in the confidence of people whose discernment I greatly respect—such as my old friend Roger Kimball, who wrote the other day that while “it can sometimes seem that everyone is against Donald Trump,” millions of voters who are “sitting at home watching their cities burn” recognize that their choice in November is “between the America they love . . . and the out-of-control forces of anti-American hatred.” 

I hope he’s right. Often I think he is. But I can’t help reacting with shock and despair to the many supposedly smart and reasonable people I know who keep bashing Trump and posting idiotic Occupy Democrats memes—as if the Cultural Revolution-type derangement of recent weeks had never happened. What kind of future can America have when so many of its citizens can be so misguided? How can we hope to put this country back on track when we can’t even be sure that the best president of modern times will win reelection over a doddering fool in thrall to our society’s most dangerous elements?

Elections

America’s Pravda Subsidiaries

By now, you’d think the Washington Post and the rest of the lefty media cohort—which is pretty much the entire American media sans Fox, talk radio, and a handful of online publications—would have learned their lesson. But no.

Each new dawn brings another farcical rant from the mainstream media. Facts be damned, hypocrisy ignored, truth summarily rejected—all in the name of “But Trump!” and “Orange Man bad!” Pravda veterans would be proud and perhaps, even a little jealous, as nobody in the MSM is being forced to propagandize at the point of a gun, with threats of a permanent vacation to sunny Siberia. No, the American news media does all of this of its  own volition.

President Trump gives a speech from the base of Mount Rushmore extolling the greatness of America and our shared history, imperfect though it is, of striving to recognize the equality that demands justice and liberty for all of our citizens. But the Washington Post, apparently with a straight face and zero shame, writes: “President Trump’s unyielding push to preserve Confederate symbols and the legacy of white domination, crystallized by his harsh denunciation of the racial justice movement . . . ” 

Of course, the president made no mention of the Confederacy or its symbols, not even one. Yet the broadcast networks minus Fox News and the rest of the mainstream media followed the Post’s unhinged fabrications as though they think we will favor them over our own eyes and ears.

The mainstream media, having exhausted any trace of objectivity after eight years of fawning coverage of Obama and three years of attacking Trump, now proudly spins leftist propaganda without even pretending to do anything else. When called on their left-leaning bias and their war on the truth, they cry “But Trump!” And if that’s not enough to justify their fabrications then perhaps you’ll get, “But Fox News!”  

Recently, the Washington Post Style section (and you’re thinking, “Who the hell in Washington has any style?”) ran a column headlined, “The data is in: Fox News May Have Kept Millions from Taking the Coronavirus Threat Seriously.” Seriously. The esteemed author reports on a study by Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Misinformation Review which makes all sorts of breathless claims wrapped in shiny academic nerd speak about Fox News and Sean Hannity in particular. 

I wonder if the HKSoMR (thought I’d toss in an acronym) has ever reviewed the New York Times for “misinformation?” Perhaps they could start with NYT’s own Pulitzer Prize winner Walter Duranty who actually made a career working on behalf of the Soviets while Uncle Joe Stalin was murdering tens of millions of his own people and threatening to blow up tens of millions of freedom loving Americans and Europeans. That’s an historical fact which one could reasonably interpret in a way that names the New York Times the preeminent subsidiary of the KGB’s propaganda arm. They still feature that Pulitzer prominently in their headquarters lobby. But I digress.

The Biden campaign press release thinly disguised as a Washington Post story even quoted a group of left-wing nut bags in Washington State who recently had their lawsuit against Fox News summarily dismissed by the state judge. Quoth the Post

‘That’s the real evil of this type of programming,’ Arthur West of the Washington League for Increased Transparency and Ethics, which sued Fox News in April over its coronavirus coverage, told the Times of San Diego, a news website. ‘We believe it delayed and interfered with a prompt and adequate response to this coronavirus pandemic.’ (A Fox News lawyer called the suit ‘wrong on the facts, frivolous on the law,’ and said it would be defended vigorously; a judge dismissed the suit in May.)

By now, you’d think the Washington Post and the rest of the lefty media cohort—which is pretty much the entire American media sans Fox, talk radio, and a handful of online publications—would have learned their lesson. But no. They keep walking into it as they did when White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany had the audacity to point out that leading mainstream news outlets such as the Washington Post did everything they could to downplay the seriousness of COVID-19 back in March. Back then, American Pravda was telling us that it was no big deal, no worse than the seasonal flu, and they were more concerned that calling it the “Wuhan flu” was racist and xenophobic. 

Even the soon-to-be-canonized Anthony Fauci (Note to Pope Francis: “St. Anthony of Rockville Pike” has a nice ring to it) was busy telling America on NBC as late as late February 29 that we didn’t have to make any changes to the way we went about our lives in relation to COVID-19. 

Three days later, Fauci changed his tune to one of certain death and destruction. A few weeks later the “experts” were telling us that based on the now discredited models from Imperial College of London, even with strict social distancing to flatten the curve we were all going to die horrible deaths. Two-hundred million of us would get it and 2.2 million of us were going to perish. 

Fauci now wears a mask everywhere he goes—well, at least everywhere he goes where there are TV cameras. When the cameras are off, the mask is off too, as we witnessed in the recent video of St. Anthony testifying before Congress. As soon as the hearing took a recess and the hearing room cleared enough that Fauci thought the cameras were off, he removed his mask. The level of phony would be breathtaking but for American Pravda ignoring this embarrassing incident altogether.

Somehow, American Pravda missed or did their best to cover for Democratic New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, and his fellow Democrats Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan and Phil Murphy of New Jersey, who issued executive orders forcing senior citizens who survived the virus into nursing homes where they pretty much infected everyone. I guess the governors wanted to expedite the dying. 

Here’s an actual fact: More than 40 percent of all U.S. deaths from COVID-19 are connected to nursing homes and the majority of those deaths occurred in New York, New Jersey,  and Michigan. Crickets. But Trump! But Fox News!

Trump didn’t cause the Wuhan flu, and he certainly didn’t intensify its spread. The Communist Chinese tyrants caused it and covered it up until it was too late. But give credit where credit is due: Governor Cuomo’s “send grandma to the nursing home virus factories” policy managed to kill tens of thousands of American senior citizens while the swooning subsidiaries of American Pravda like the Washington Post and New York Times covered for him and the other Democratic governors who acted similarly. 

It is an election year after all and Joe Biden is having trouble speaking in coherent sentences or even reading the coherent sentences written for him in big letters on his teleprompter.

But Trump! But Fox!

Elections

NeverTrump Parasites Won’t Give Up on Destroying Their Host

And yet without this president, NeverTrump will go back to the political wilderness, loathed by the Right and ignored by the Left.

The past several days have been filled with accolades and attention for NeverTrump, the wee collection of self-proclaimed “conservatives” working against the president, in the corporate media. The Washington Post published a lengthy puff piece on two new nonprofits that are targeting not just President Trump but Trump-supporting Republican senators up for re-election. Post reporters, without evidence, referred to NeverTrump as a “sudden campaign force” that should make Team Trump shudder with fear.

Frank Bruni, far from a conservative or anything close to one, swooned over NeverTrumpers in his latest New York Times column. “That’s why, when I look at them, I see patriotism,” Bruni cooed.

That’s funny—most people on the Right, when they look at NeverTrump, see a sad collection of losing campaign managers, failed magazine editors, and third-rate pundits hanging on for dear life by giving the false impression a big chunk of Republicans oppose Donald Trump.

When President Trump looks at them, he sees “human scum.” And when Democrats see NeverTrump, they see useful idiots.

As I write in my new book, “Disloyal Opposition: How the NeverTrump Right Tried and Failed to Take Down the President,” NeverTrumpers have aided and abetted Democrats at every turn during the Trump era. From first seeding the imaginary Russian collusion ruse to backing impeachment, NeverTrump acts as the Democratic Party’s waterboys, cheering from the bench and wiping down sweaty brows hoping for a few atta boys on MSNBC.

This bunch is up to their old tricks as Election Day nears. Two new shell groups—the Lincoln Project and Republican Voters Against Trump—are producing inflammatory ads and blanketing the media, both traditional and social, with scary stories about Donald Trump. 

The Lincoln Project, flush with at least $16 million in anonymous donations so far this year, is led by a roster of GOP has-beens, including Steve Schmidt, the manager who led the 2008 John McCain presidential campaign to a humiliating defeat, and Rick Wilson, often seen on CNN mocking Trump supporters as illiterate rubes. (Wilson also was loosely involved in the McCain race.) George Conway (a.k.a., Mr. Kellyanne Conway) is a Lincoln Project principal, too.

Their goal, according to the group’s website, is to save the country by “electing Democrats who support the Constitution over Republicans who do not” and they think this “is a worthy effort.” (It’s unclear where these Constitution-loving Democrats can be found but it is certain that they do not currently roam the halls of Congress.)

The Lincoln Project also plans to organize field workers in swing states and defeat vulnerable incumbent Republican senators who they condemn as “enablers” of Donald Trump: The list includes Senator Susan Collins of Maine, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.

Republican Voters Against Trump, the latest head fake backed by Bill Kristol, the de facto leader of NeverTrump, is posting testimonials from purported Republicans and onetime Trump backers confessing they will not vote for the president in 2020: “Together their voices are powerful,” the coalition insists. “And if they are heard, next January we will inaugurate Joe Biden as the next president, and the Republican Party can begin a post-Trump future.” So far, they have collected a whopping 400 videos.

But like most NeverTrump outlets, Republican Voters Against Trump is backed by a leftwing tech tycoon and sworn enemy of Donald Trump. A foundation funded by Pierre Omidyar, the founder of eBay and sugardaddy to several anti-Trump activists, has contributed nearly $4 million to Defending Democracy Together, the umbrella nonprofit for Republican Voters Against Trump, in just the past two years. Defending Democracy Together also hosts the Bulwark, a NeverTrump political site founded in 2019 after the Weekly Standard went out of business.

Sarah Longwell, director of Republican Voters Against Trump, told the Post her group will spend “$10 million to $15 million” buying air time in swing states such as Arizona and Michigan. The ads will target “white suburban women, a group that has already begun to move away from Trump,” Longwell said.

It’s hard to see how videos of random voters airing their grievances against the president will sway the average Costco Mom. And considering the dangerous climate the Left continues to stoke, it’s unlikely a selfie video from “Tom” in “North Carolina” is going to convince a white suburban mom to vote to put police-defunding, statue-smashing, knee-bending sympathizers in power in Washington.

Not everyone on the Democratic side of the aisle is welcoming these interlopers with open arms. Ben Howe, a long time NeverTrumper and video editor for the Lincoln Project, was let go on Monday after a left-leaning website posted several of his profane tweets. (The Daily Dot also posted vile tweets by Rick Wilson, but so far he’s still on the job.) 

A cartoon talk show produced by Stephen Colbert ambushed Wilson during what he undoubtedly thought would be a friendly interview this week. Calling out Wilson’s hypocrisy, the characters assailed Wilson for snuggling up to his former political foes and mocked the Lincoln Project for its ties to the George W. Bush Administration. “Rick, when was the exact moment you realized those pathetic little whores [how Wilson described a group of Obama supporters in a 2010 tweet] could be tapped for money?”

The show also confronted Wilson about the Lincoln Project’s finances; nearly 90 percent of its 2020 budget so far has been spent on overhead rather than voter outreach. Wilson stammered to explain, but to no avail. The show ended by describing the Lincoln Project as “savvy grifters who ruined the country before.”

Wilson was not amused.

A lack of self-reflection, of course, is just one of the many fatal character flaws of NeverTrump. What they must not realize is how much they need Trump to stick around in order for them to remain even remotely relevant. NeverTrump is a political parasite: President Trump is their host. Without him, NeverTrump will go back to the political wilderness, loathed by the Right and ignored by the Left.

That might be the only upside to a Trump loss in November.

Elections

Retraction and Apology Regarding Michael Brown and ‘43 Alumni for Biden’

On July 3, American Greatness published an article that linked former Federal Emergency Management Agency Director Michael Brown with a group of ex-George W. Bush Administration officials that has pledged support for Joe Biden’s presidential campaign. As it turns out, the Michael Brown associated with the group was not the Brown who ran FEMA during the Bush Administration.

We retract the article and deeply regret the error.

Joseph Duggan, the author of the article, writes: “In my article that was critical of the former George W. Bush campaign aides and political appointees who have endorsed Joe Biden for president, I made a serious error. I mistakenly stated that a leader of this group was Michael Brown, who had been director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency during Hurricane Katrina. Actually, the Biden supporter is someone else named Michael Brown. I deeply regret this error, and I apologize to the editors and readers of American Greatness and everyone whom I misinformed.”

Elections

Trump Needs to Scale
the Real Wall of 2020

The president should emphasize not just the efficacy of his administration but its effects on real people. Focus on “Restoration 2021.”

Donald Trump is trying to break through a 2020 wall. 

By January 2019, after over three years of failed efforts to impeach him, sue him, indict him, impoverish him, and destroy him, the Left had failed. The economy was booming. Trump’s tweets were mostly bragging about his accomplishments. And the Left was dumbfounded that both impeachment and Mueller, in Nietzschean fashion, had only made Trump stronger.

Then came an unexpected trifecta catastrophe—plague, a quarantine-induced recession, and a leftist cultural revolution in the streets. Suddenly, the Left saw all of that as a gift that might succeed where its own self-constructed melodramas had failed.

By late May, Trump’s polls had dived. 

His enemies declared this time he was really, actually, truly finished. NeverTrumpers hit the media to boast they were finally redeemed. 

The discredited pollsters of 2016 reemerged, this time even convincing once-burned, never-again Las Vegas bookies that Trump was toast. Leftists, depressed over the progressive implosion in the Democratic primaries, now rebranded Joe Biden as a useful septuagenarian. He could carry them to victory before being pushed aside. 

Biden was put on ice, a virtual prisoner of the Democratic establishment, who gave him teleprompted messages and pre-canned interviews to stumble through on Skype. “Keep silent, keep hidden,” was the motto of Biden’s keepers.

Trump railed. He fumed. As a furious Achilles, he tweeted about the unfairness of it all—how he had defeated concocted attacks, but suddenly a virus from his nemesis China had unleashed sheer madness, with him as its target.

To get back on track, Trump almost alone became the defender of tradition under assault, of security, and safety. He deplored the statue toppling, the madness of cancel culture, the racial obsessions of the Black Lives Matter/Antifa cultural revolution. He praised America’s goodness and reminded the country it was good without having to be perfect. And still, the Left hobbled him. 

In truth, the media, the universities, and the Left by weaponizing plague, lockdown and riot had found a winning strategy. The mere threat of being called a “racist” in such a Reign of Terror climate could win over unlikely allies, abettors, and appeasers. Corporate America, the retired and serving four-star officer class, local and state government apparatchiks, and many terrified Republican politicians and pundits (hoping to be dismembered last by leftist wolverines) began pledging their allegiance to the Left or staying mum. 

In Hollywood, directors promised to begin calibrating their casts by race, or as the unabashed racialist director Jordan Peele recently put it, “I don’t see myself casting a white dude as the lead in my movie. Not that I don’t like white dudes. But I’ve seen that movie before.” According to this logic, I suppose a Latino NFL coach one day could say something similar, “I don’t see myself casting a black dude as the lead on my team. Not that I don’t like black dudes. But I’ve seen that team before.”

Suddenly, American CEOs shined the sneakers of rappers, on video no less. There were to be “black” and “white” national anthems played at NFL games. “Diversity training” would be rebooted as segregated white reeducation sessions in full Maoist style. In New York, all protests were dangerous to public health, except those of Black Lives Matter, as if the virus was political in its targeting.

The more Trump was bleeding out from a thousand such nicks, the more his enemies marshaled for the kill, and the more his political supporters hedged their bets. 

What then was Trump to do? Three things. 

Defend America

Trump already is starting to do the first superbly: stand up for America prior to May 25 (when George Floyd was killed), and tell Americans that in this 244th year of their existence, they will not cowardly renounce their heroes like Washington and Lincoln. Thomas Jefferson was not Jefferson Davis. 

They will not topple statues, like frenzied Taliban, in the dead of night. They will not reduce their rich history and traditions to “racism.” And they will not embrace McCarthyism and destroy lives and careers. 

But they will protect the Bill of Rights. They will honor dead Americans who bequeathed this current lucky generation the freest, the most secure, and the most prosperous nation in history. 

He might also remind the country that the United States is the beacon of freedom and anti-racism. Try naturalizing as a black citizen in China or South Korea. Try to become a white Christian citizen of Pakistan. Try living as a Catholic Latino in Saudi Arabia. Try opening a private roadside canteen in Cuba or Venezuela. Try founding a Jewish or Buddhist temple or evangelical church in Iran or Turkey. Try dealing with the police in Somalia or Sudan. Try rallying against illegal immigration, radical Islam, the European Union, or wind and solar power in Germany.

A Contact, A Plan, A Blueprint

Second, Trump cannot just talk of his pre-virus administration. He can of course remind Americans that he knows how to resume the booming economy as the virus wanes. He is right to remind us that he did close the border and is now making good progress on the wall. Given China’s culpability, he is justified in reminding the country that his lone voice was prescient in warning of the multifarious dangers emanating from the Chinese Communist Party. He did deregulate and expand our energy resources. All that by 2021 will help restore prosperity.  

But that is now, unfortunately, ancient history for a terrified public assuming a fetal position in the face of a public health threat. The swing voters, independents, and purple-staters are framing their 2020 choice in the stark terms of  who will “make it all go away.” They want a magical end to the virus, the quarantines, the violence, the hate, and the division. And at this point, they want near-divine interventions to do all that and more. 

But in November, less than four months from now, rightly or wrongly, they will see their choices both rationally and emotionally. 

Tweeting cannot be about the past, but only the present and future. Trolls, washed-up celebrities, know-nothing pampered athletes, and hack leftists don’t deserve mention in the campaign’s final 100 days.

For now, some swing voters are in paralyzed despair. They believe if BLM, Antifa, the media, the Left, the universities, the corporations, the military, Silicon Valley, and Wall Street just get Joe Biden, perhaps they will put an end to the furor. 

Perhaps the anarchy and chaos will just go away if Trump does too. The leftwing victors, in theory, could be magnanimous and their frenzy was just over Trump, not over America itself. 

Of course, not all swing voters are not so dumb. They rightly suspect that eventually there will be a terrible price to pay for such a superficial calm. But right now, in the dead of contagion and lockdown, with “racists!” under every bed, they are willing to give in to surrender and win the pseudo-calm of cultural defeat. 

About half of swing voters, however, remain defiant. They want no more apologies; in lieu of just another defense of America, they want a plan to go forward and make it even more prosperous and secure. 

To win these swing-state voters, Trump needs to offer a blueprint for 2020 that builds upon his proven 2016 economic restoration. 

But he must address the causes of the current turmoil in terms of solutions to many of the root causes of the current chaos. 

First, Trump, the builder, can outline a renaissance effort to reconfigure infrastructure, especially in light of the failed high-density, mass transit, high-rise progressive model that proved a feeding trough for the contagion—and will again when the next Chinese virus arrives. 

A far better alternative is to diversify our demography and to reboot smaller cities and towns, along with reconnecting to rural living. America’s small towns are underpopulated, while big cities of plague, protests, and panic are overpopulated, overpriced, and overpopularized. We could start by ensuring rural spaces high-speed internet (still unavailable as I can attest in the rural center of supposedly high-tech California), a repair of our crumbling interstate freeway system, and completion of the long-planned highways, reservoirs, bridges and transmission lines that were canceled over the last 50 years in the elite green-era madness of “small is beautiful.” 

The crisis of the inner city is not just the erosion of the black family, high crime, fatherless children, dismal schools, cynically concentrated abortion clinics, racism, and tribalism, but the old nemesis of segregation. Black families should have the alternative of moving out of Chicago or Baltimore into smaller towns and the countryside, where race far more easily becomes incidental, not essential, to one’s persona. 

Second, he needs to create a task force to deal with the next epidemic—and we can be sure that there will be one, given China’s realization of how easily it went from global goat responsible for the veritable murder of hundreds of thousands, to an unrepentant and terrifying bully who might do it again unless concessions are made. 

Such a plan would entail a national board of medical experts including front-line doctors who do not work for government; a national stockpile of protective equipment and medicines; a graduated plan of quarantine, with red/yellow/green phases known to the public in advance; and national standards that define viral lethality, define cases of infection, and evaluate dispassionately possible treatments.

Third, of course, people need liquidity now. And the mega-deficits for the present have staved off depression. But the public is terrified of the aggregate debt that is now nearing $30 trillion. It is serviceable only by perennially zero-interest rates that themselves warp the economy. Trump could dust off the recommendations of the now old and forgotten Simpson-Bowles commission, update them, and remind Americans that a restored economy, not a depression, will soon be the time to control spending and avoid financial Armageddon. 

Fourth, in some sense, higher education fueled this entire frenzied refutation of all that is good about America—the attacks on its founders, its history, icons, music, and culture. The quarantine pulled away the curtain of campus overcharging and showed the public that tele-teaching does not require a vast overhead of counselors, facilitators, and busybodies. The ways universities treat guest lecturers, use star-chamber proceedings against their own students, and stifle free expression explain much of the present street violence and cancel culture. Constitutional protections were under relentless assault for a half-century by a leisured and exempt class of professors and administrators who fed venom to an indebted and now embittered generation of lower-middle-class youth, who lack all the material opportunities of those who radicalized them. 

Large endowments over a specified size should have their interest and stock income taxed. The federal government should no longer guarantee student loans, but shift their bonding to vocational schools, where training is quicker, and will lead to a sustainable wage. The argument for a well-rounded liberal education for half the country’s youth was the university’s selling point, but when it junked that idea and replaced it with indoctrination, so went any obligation of the government and people to subsidize their own extinction. Teaching credentials and the school of education should have no monopoly on K-12 education; master’s degrees in academic subjects should also certify teachers. Federal aid to higher education should be predicated on guaranteed campus adherence to the Bill of Rights. 

Fifth, the ghost of Joe Biden: Trump need not be cruel but remind the country that Joe Biden is not really a candidate. He is a wraith, a specter. Trump must remind America he is not running any more against even the facsimile of Biden, but rather against an entire socialist cultural revolution—a pirate ship with Joe Biden no more than its carven wooden figurehead.

Restoration 2021

Finally, Trump needs to emphasize not just the efficacy of his administration but its effects on real people. 

In truth, he needs to eschew “I” and substitute “we.” A record low percent black unemployment rate? That translated into job seekers having leverage over employers and with it dignity and value. Gas prices falling due to expanded oil production? That means the minimum wage worker can afford her commute. Returning industry? That means more clout, honor, and a good living for an unemployed middle-aged worker in Ohio and Michigan, and less fuel for the Chinese Communist Party.

Tweeting cannot be about the past, but only the present and future. Trolls, washed-up celebrities, know-nothing pampered athletes, and hack leftists don’t deserve mention in the campaign’s final 100 days. 

Ignore them all and focus on Restoration, 2021—and how the president has a detailed plan to focus on all classes and races, while reminding us of what we owe the dead and all that they have given us.

Elections

Who Runs the White House?

President Trump is enabling Jared Kushner to drive his chariot dangerously close to the sun. And if Kushner crashes, he will take Trump’s administration with him.

It is a grand thing to rise in the world,” said Anthony Trollope, an English novelist of the Victorian era. “The ambition to do so is the very salt of the earth.” But sometimes ambition is the mother of monsters.

A recent article in The Hill cited “multiple reports” and two mega-donor Koch network groups—Americans for Prosperity and the LIBRE Initiative—as evidence to paint Jared Kushner, President Donald Trump’s son-in-law and senior advisor, as an immigration hawk. It was a portrait to make him look as if he were about to swoop down and pluck worker visas from the leafage.

Jared Kushner is many things, but “immigration hawk” is not one of them.

On at least three occasions, Kushner undermined the president’s plans to restrict worker visa programs: once in 2017 and twice this year, when President Trump announced he would temporarily suspend immigration to the United States, and then again when the ban was revised.

Kushner was also working on an amnesty deal for recipients of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, intending to get it done before the November election. The Supreme Court’s decision to protect the program forestalls the need for such a deal, for now

It’s likely that interested parties—including Kushner’s perceived allies in the technology sector and the Republican business establishment—seeded the Hill’s story to ensure Kushner does not flinch in the face of growing criticism from voters. The private sector coalition utilized by Kushner to push his preferred policies intends to extract its pound of flesh. 

Wings of Feather and Wax

The president’s son-in-law rose from a quasi-campaign manager to transition team confidant and finally to senior advisor on Icarian wings.

Early on, Kushner swept Chris Christie from the helm of the transition team and purged anyone connected to the New Jersey governor from the nascent administration. Many believe the ouster was the result of an extended family fued. Christie was involved in the prosecution of Kushner’s father, Charles Kushner, who pleaded guilty to 18 counts of tax evasion, witness tampering, and making illegal campaign donations. That Kushner’s father is a felon reportedly drives the son to pursue criminal justice reform. 

More important to Trump’s supporters should be that on issues ranging from immigration to criminal justice reform, Christie and Kushner did not see eye-to-eye. Christie’s exit naturally strengthened Kushner’s hand.

Kushner’s views are markedly different from the president’s; the former tends along the left-hand path while the latter harkens back to a kind of hard-boiled Americanism. Kushner, besides being a policy neophyte, sincerely believes that the progressive way is best. So, he had a vehicle created to drive the administration in that direction: the Office of American Innovation (OAI), established by Trump in March 2017 with Kushner behind the wheel.

The OAI appears redundant at first. The Domestic Policy Council (DPC), the Council of Economic Advisors, the National Economic Council, and other executive institutions perform the same functions. On paper, the organization merely solicits policy input from the private sector and “external thought leaders.”

The real purpose of the OAI, however, is not to complement other institutions but to outmaneuver them in pursuit of Kushner’s preferred policies. The government, he said, “should be run like a great American company.” The office is the vehicle with which he can “achieve successes and efficiencies for our customers, who are the citizens.”

To that end, Kushner uses the OAI to bring to bear a constellation of donors, activists, and private-sector all-stars who understand that the way to a lawmaker’s heart is through his wallet.

Chief among these groups is the Texas Public Policy Foundation (TPPF), a think tank that receives significant funding from the Koch brothers and organizations they fund. Brooke Rollins was president and CEO of TPPF until joining the administration. First part of the OAI, she was later promoted to head of the Domestic Policy Council (DPC)—the principal forum used by the president for considering domestic policy matters.

The Koch family had little love for Trump during the 2016 campaign, but all that changed after a meeting between the two tribes in April 2017. The following year, Koch network groups such as TPPF, LIBRE, and others enjoyed direct access to the White House for various initiatives.

Leaving Populism Behind

TPPF and Kushner began work on what became the First Step Act through the OAI in early 2018 with the support of Right on Crime, a project of TPPF. Americans for Prosperity lauded him by name every step of the way.

The month following OAI’s first “listening session” on prison reform, Rollins left TPPF and joined the administration as a member of Kushner’s policy shop. Shortly after coming aboard, an administration source said Rollins worked with Kushner in the OAI to channel private sector pressure against Trump, forcing him to perform a reversal on his “zero-tolerance” policy border, a move that LIBRE advocated just days before Trump’s decision.

By late 2018, LIBRE was meeting in the White House with Rollins, Kushner, TPPF, and Koch Industries to discuss immigration reform. TPPF houses Right on Immigration—a group created to promote amnesty, so the partnership came easy. 

Just days after the Supreme Court’s DACA decision, a joint TPPF-Right on Immigration press release called for an amnesty deal that effectively would be a repeat of the failed 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. Trump then disastrously gaffed during a July 10 press conference, claiming he would soon sign an immigration order that would “have a road to citizenship” for DACA beneficiaries. The administration ran damage control and attempted to explain away the comment—but this is an indicator of where the president’s mind is and of what is being discussed within the palace walls for the second term, the driving force of which is Kushner.

Naturally, LIBRE Initiative President Daniel Garza has lavished praise on Kushner for his immigration reform efforts. In one meeting with representatives from the League of United Latin American Citizens, LIBRE, and the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, Kushner pitched legal status for DREAM Act beneficiaries as a compromise to end the 2018-2019 government shutdown.

In April of this year, Kushner protected visa worker programs from Trump’s immigration ban. “Tim Cook won’t like this, Mr. President,” said Derek Lyons, one of Kushner’s confidants and the White House staff secretary, a position his former boss and mentor Brett Kavanaugh held during the George W. Bush Administration. Lyons received a promotion to counselor to the president while keeping his job as Staff Secretary. Rollins, too, was subsequently promoted to her post as director of the Domestic Policy Council. 

More recently, Kushner and his OAI ally, Chris Liddell, the White House Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy Coordination, protected the Optional Practical Training (OPT) program. 

The OPT is a component of the F-1 visa program, enabling foreign nationals to study as full-time students in the United States. In practice, the program creates a pool of cheap labor that particularly harms the job prospects and wages of young Americans. More than a dozen college student organizations recently sent a letter to the president, imploring him to end the program because it undercuts their ability to find work even before they graduate. Liddell and Kushner successfully ensured OPT would remain untouched. 

“An administration official did not deny Kushner’s involvement and defended Liddell’s intervention,” Amber Athey reported in Spectator USA.

Friends and Foes

Rollins, Lyons, and Liddell are close allies of Kushner’s. The promotions of the former two were seen as consolidative efforts by Trump’s son-in-law, with Lyons in particular elevated as a check on Kellyanne Conway—someone Kushner dislikes and has been trying to oust for years. 

Kushner has been extremely effective at pursuing his goals through the OAI and its partners while neutralizing roadblocks. He recently urged the president to heap scorn on Jeff Sessions and endorse his opponent for the Republican Senate nomination in Alabama. Kushner reportedly hates no one more than Sessions, and the rub goes back to Sessions’ opposition to what became the First Step Act during his time in the administration. 

Just before Trump made nice with the Koch brothers, Mark Holden, the former senior vice president of Koch Industries, criticized then-Attorney General Sessions’ call for tougher crime sentencing. Not long after the initial Koch meeting, in what the Washington Post called “a departure from the administration’s focus on more punitive crime-fighting measures,” Kushner had Holden in the White House as part of a federal prison reform roundtable. 

Holden, who was open about his disagreement with Sessions, found common cause with Kushner in his push against the former attorney general. He praised Kushner for doing “an amazing job of leading” progressive reforms.

Neither Kushner nor his allies want Sessions in the Senate to push back on the second term agenda, and Trump appears willing to go along. The president was scheduled to hold a rally for Tommy Tuberville, Sessions’ opponent, in the stadium where the former attorney general joined Trump on stage in 2015 after being the first senator to endorse him. 

Tuberville is an establishmentarian’s dream. Taking aim at Tuberville’s media consultant, Rob Jesmer, Sessions explained in Alabama Today

I know Rob Jesmer well, he works at FWD.us. As far as I’m concerned, the Trumpian agenda has no greater opponent . . . than FWD.us. That’s the Mark Zuckerberg group that the President is complaining about today, rightly, that’s suppressing and manipulating free speech on the internet. It’s also the group that was the leading advocate to try and get Republicans to support the amnesty bills that I succeeded in blocking.

Though the rally was subsequently canceled due to concerns about the coronavirus, Trump has continued to attack Sessions and elevate his opponent in the days leading up to Tuesday’s Alabama primary.

The escalated feud with Sessions marks yet another win for Kushner. Still, it only drives the wedge deeper between him and Trump’s supporters who are willing to overlook Sessions’ time in the administration for his record on immigration and crime.

The administration must now grapple with discontent among voters who find Trump’s top personnel consistently opposed to the populist platform on which Trump campaigned. These criticisms from the base pose concerns for the administration as the election nears.

In 2015, the political scientist Lee Drutman of New America, a left-leaning think tank, calculated that in the United States, “populists”—defined as those in favor of maintaining or increasing Social Security spending, while maintaining or decreasing immigration—made up 40.3 percent of the electorate. Though he tapped into this bipartisanly neglected electorate to score an upset, Trump has allowed Kushner to move the administration away from its populist roots.

Kushner is beholden to the tech CEOs with whom Trump himself frequently rows. Whereas Trump promised not to touch Social Security, Kushner and his associates are champing at the bit to attack the program. Trump campaigned on reducing immigration, while Kushner advocates increasing levels of legal immigration. 

It was Kushner and his allies in the OAI who urged the president, against his instincts, not to deploy the military to aid police responding to the violence that ripped through American cities after George Floyd’s death, despite some 58 percent of registered voters being in favor of such a move—including pluralities of self-identified “liberals” and African American voters. 

Prospects for 2020

Although Trump reportedly regrets heeding Kushner’s advice about that, he continues to empower Kushner, who is now expected to play “an even more active role” in the president’s campaign, Politico reports

So long as Kushner holds sway in the administration, Trump’s supporters have no guarantee that tough rhetoric on the reelection trail will translate into a better second term—what substantial small victories have been scored on immigration, for example, have occurred only in the months leading up to November, effectively to placate an increasingly unhappy electorate until the election is over.

The base needs to prepare for a second term in which Kushner, perceived as the “genius” who secured the president’s reelection, will have even more clout to wind the sails of his ambition in the White House.

There is a myth about a father catastrophically indulging his son’s hubris, retold by Critias in Plato’s Timaeus. Once upon a time, “Phaethon, the son of Helios, having yoked the steeds in his father’s chariot, because he was not able to drive them in the path of his father, burnt up all that was upon the earth, and was himself destroyed by a thunderbolt.” 

As November approaches, President Trump is enabling Kushner to drive his chariot dangerously close to the sun. If Kushner crashes, he will take Trump’s administration with him, and even if he doesn’t, the 2016 mandate may be dead on arrival after November. 

Elections

It’s All About November 3

The Democrats thought they could ride the tiger to victory.  Instead, they will be consumed by the monster they created but could not control.

Everything is what it is, and not another thing.” That lapidary observation from the Sermons (1726) of Joseph, Bishop Butler, is one of the most profound philosophical observations I have ever encountered. One of the simplest, too. In nine short words, it introduces a principle of mental hygiene that Marxists, Freudians, Hegelians, astrologers, sociobiologists, and other lovers of mystification ignore at their—or, more to the point, at our—peril.

Butler’s chief target was what we now call the selfish theory of human nature—the “strange affection in many people of explaining away all particular affections, and representing the whole of life as nothing but one continued exercise in self-love.” Butler zeros in on the fundamental confusion that nurtures this unflattering view of humanity. It is this: a (deliberate?) confusion between the proposition that we cannot knowingly act except from a desire or interest which is our own, and the proposition that all of our actions are self-interested. 

The first is not only true, it is a necessary truth: it could not be otherwise. The second proposition— that all of our actions are self-interested—far from being self-evidently true, is a scandalous falsehood.  

It is a tautology that any interest we have is an interest of our own: whose else could it be? But the objects of our interest are as varied as the world is wide. 

No doubt much of what we do we do from motives of self-interest. But we might also do things for the sake of flag and country; for the love of a good woman; for the love of God; to discover a new country; to benefit a friend; to harm an enemy; to make a fortune; to spend a fortune. 

“It is not,” Butler notes, “because we love ourselves that we find delight in such and such objects, but because we have particular affections towards them.” How much wandering in mental thickets might have been avoided had Sigmund Freud acquainted himself with Butler’s Sermons?

Not, in truth, that I think it would have saved the world from the nonsense of Freudianism, any more than it would have saved the world from the monstrosity that is Hegel’s dialectic. Motives more powerful than the search for truth stand behind the erection of those mental bureaucracies, and it would be idle to think that mere logical cleanliness would rescue us from the egotism of intellectuals.  

A Monolithic Wall of Noise

I begin with Bishop Butler’s incandescent observation because I am going to say a few words that might seem—but only seem—to contradict them. As we look around at American society today, what do we see? A confusing mélange that seems partly mindless, partly vicious. Our response to the latest Chinese import, the novel coronavirus—what was that? How long will we be in sorting out the petty and sometimes murderous tyrannies enacted by various state governors and other officials? 

And what about the malignant nonsense that is Black Lives Matter? How did that happen? How is it that celebrities, major corporations, and tony schools and colleges experienced simultaneous multiple paroxysms of woke self-abasement because a lowlife career criminal with serious cardiac problems died in police custody? How do you go from an arrest in Minneapolis to the desecration of the Lincoln Memorial, the looting and burning of businesses across the country, and a regime of racially based (and racially biased) communal penance? 

I do not believe I am violating the principle of Bishop Butler’s argument when I say that almost everything happening in our society—all the craziness, all the posturing, all the distracting noise, exaggeration, and downright mendacity—all of it is not about itself but about something else, and that something else is Donald Trump. 

A new, flu-like virus is abroad in the land. The anti-Trump establishment goes to work: How can we blame it on Trump? He shuts down flights from China at the end of January: charge him with being racist and xenophobic. He consults experts. They tell him it is not a serious threat. He goes on television and says that: hysteria! Then he swings into action, mobilizes American manufacturing prowess and turns out more ventilators, protective gear, testing kits, and new therapies than anyone thought possible. The curve flattens. The political weapon that was COVID-19 falters. No problem. Declare a race war!  Smash up the storefronts. Get everybody talking about racism all the time. Ignore the fact that the people overwhelmingly harmed by Black Lives Matter are inner-city blacks. Blame everything on Donald Trump. 

The unremitting, monolithic wall of noise that has been crashing against Donald Trump since election day 2016 has gotten louder and louder, more cacophonous, more furious, more irrational. Everything is what it is, and not another thing. But the one thing that takes precedence over everything now is defeating Trump, which means defeating not only Trump himself but what he stands for—those 63 million voters who put him in office, for starters. 

The Fundamental Choice

But it’s more than that. The forces of anti-Trump hatred comprise not just Democratic aspirants to high office but also, and more significantly, the media (social and otherwise), the spoiled, pajama-boy Left, and—above all, perhaps—the entrenched administrative apparatus of government, the self-engorging bureaucracy of the state whose fundamental allegiance is to the principle of self-perpetuation.  

It is all of that which Donald Trump came to office to sweep clean, like Hercules confronting the Augean stables. The first time around the reaction was a compact of contempt and ridicule, but that was only because Trump could not win. The smartest people in the world—Bill Kristol, Nancy Pelosi, Rachel Maddow—they all knew he couldn’t win. So they didn’t come together in a single caterwauling primal scream to stop him.  

This time they have. And since they control almost all the major megaphones, it can sometimes seem that everyone is against Donald Trump and no one is for him.

It can seem that way, but of course it is not. And that is chiefly for two reasons. First, there are those 63 million voters—perhaps it will be 66 or 68 million this time. Voters whose voices you don’t hear in the pages of the New York Times and whose rigged Google searches and Facebook hot spots somehow leave out of account. They’re sitting at home watching their cities burn, watching monuments to Columbus, to Washington and Thomas Jefferson be defaced or toppled. They see that, and they hear a nonstop litany telling them how racist they are and how evil  America is. 

And just about now, a great chasm is opening up. The choice, they see, is not so much between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. It is between the America they love—that Donald Trump celebrates—and the out-of-control forces of anti-American hatred that, though he does not understand them, Joe Biden manages to blink and nod and gibber around. 

Everything that is happening between now and November 3 is about November 3. But the fundamental choice is not really Donald Trump or Joe Biden. It is civilization and America on one side, anarchy and woke tyranny on the other. The Democrats thought they could ride the tiger to victory. Instead, they will be consumed by the monster they created but could not control.

Elections

Guess What? I’m a Liberal

If you believe you are liberal, whatever party you may vote for, you really need to think long and hard about which candidate is most likely to continue to protect the Constitution and which candidate is a sad dementia-riddled puppet for extreme leftists who will protect your right to free speech only if you say what they want you to say.

No, I haven’t had a change of heart. I’m just taking back the word “liberal.” The Left can’t have it anymore. They have hijacked the word. They aren’t liberal, and we all need to realize that and stop calling the very illiberal left “liberal.” You can call them leftist. You can call them progressives, fascists, or Marxists. You can call them late for dinner, but please stop calling them liberal.

I am liberal. America’s “conservatives” are the only ones fighting to preserve America’s liberal tradition today. We are fighting to conserve your God-given rights, no matter what your views may be. We are fighting for your constitutional rights, and, at this moment, your First Amendment rights especially. You should be able to say whatever you want, whenever you want. I know there are exceptions, like falsely yelling fire in a crowded theater, but ever since we added “hate speech” to our vocabulary and our laws, we have been weakening the First Amendment in ways that would have pleased the former Soviet Union.

I don’t give a flying frankfurter what adults do in their own bedrooms, how many tattoos or piercings you might have, or what color you want to apply to your hair. If you want to peacefully protest, I may not agree with what you have to say, but have at it. I live in a weed state, and though it’s not my thing (and you are breaking federal law), I don’t really care if that happens to be your thing. Just don’t drive or break any laws when you do it. If you ride motorcycles, listen to rap, gamble or dance the tango, you do you. If I don’t believe it is right for me or my family, I won’t do that activity. Protecting the Constitution should be every American’s goal, not stifling someone else’s speech or keeping anyone from believing what he wants to believe.

This country increasingly has moved further and further away from our Constitution. Some of us saw this coming and tried to warn you, but we were also duped about who were friends to liberty. We once thought we could trust the now NeverTrump Republicans. Like the fair-weather friends they were, these illiberal Republicans just wanted our votes, our viewership, and our click-throughs; they never really cared about our rights slowly dissolving or how far we were straying from our founders’ intentions. They might have tolerated the likes of us in their now-defunct magazine as long as we were writing about how wrong the Democrats were, but Tea Parties and 9/12 Projects were a bridge too far for them.

In the election of 2016, the one thing they couldn’t stomach was how plainspoken President Trump was—how uncaring about their feelings and the “normal Republican” way to do things (which, incidentally, was just the same as the “normal Democrat” way to do things), and how unattached President Trump was to the corporations, power, and money that made their lives worth living. The bureaucracy, red tape, and outright denial of justice our president and this country have been put through in the last four years was as much a plan of the Democrats as it was the NeverTrump Republican swamp creatures.

NeverTrumpers and powerful Democrats have something besides their hatred of Trump in common. They both have a disdain for regular people who think they deserve a say in how their government is run (simpletons!) and both Democrats and NeverTrumpers share a deep love for the system that made them powerful. Their aim is to silence you, not to protect your right to speak. They want to make the rules, not let you have a hand in your own government. They want to dismantle the constitutional process that made it possible to elect a non-swamp nationalist like Trump, not preserve your right to elect who you want. They are the furthest thing from liberal, and I’m calling them out.

President Donald Trump is the most liberal president (in the sense I’m using it here) we’ve had in decades. He cares about how many lives and how much treasure we spend on endless middle-eastern wars. He cares that we all have jobs, that everyone has the same opportunities as everyone else, and he fights back against the constant lies the media tells about him and this country. He has reexamined and acted upon established deals with Russia, China, Iran, and others that have worked against America’s interests.

Trump ran on draining the swamp, but unfortunately, he didn’t realize how deep that swamp really is. As a brand new president, he tended to believe that our systems were based in the Constitution, our bureaucrats were not corrupted, and our judicial system was fair. I was afflicted with the same naiveté. I feel robbed by the Left of what an unfettered Trump presidency could have looked like. 

An eternal optimist, I never would have thought President Trump’s entire presidency would be plagued with unfounded rumors, illegal spying by the former administration and unelected career bureaucrats, as well as continual deceit by the progressive legacy media. I am angered by the endless investigations into the Trump Administration and the delayed and possibly never coming justice.

Protecting the Constitution is the most important thing we can do right now. If you believe you are liberal, whatever party you may vote for, you really need to think long and hard about which candidate is most likely to continue to protect the Constitution and which candidate is a sad dementia-riddled puppet for extreme leftists who will protect your right to free speech only if you say what they want you to say.

Elections

Two Important Questions for White Democrats in 2020

Cultural Marxism’s organic logic is merciless—especially for its adherents.

The current rage for cultural Marxism, notably its critical race theory trope that America is “systemically racist,” causes many problems for the Left and, in particular, its presumptive presidential nominee Joe Biden (a.k.a., “Joey Basement”) as well as other Democratic office seekers.

By arguing America is systemically racist, the Left is asserting that America was not only illegitimately founded upon slavery per the New York Times’ 1619 Project, but remains and— absent a regime change—must remain systemically racist. 

The Left’s proposed solution for America is a “fundamental transformation.” The specifics are hazy, but apparently it requires the imposition of socialism and/or Communism; the abolition of our actual history; the cancellation of individuals; the eradication of constitutional rights; and the destruction of prosperity. Talk about a cure being worse than the disease, especially when the disease does not exist!

For white Americans, however, these adherents to the “1619” thesis would have us believe there is no cure. As proffered in the book White Fragility, every white American is either a knowing racist or an unknowing racist. Unlike an accused Salem witch, who at least had a chance to sink or float, a white American can by no means prove he or she is not a racist. It is a fact of being. The only issue is whether white people are capable of admitting they are racists, and whether they are capable of muting their inner racist demons crying out for the perpetuation of white supremacy by subjugating people of color. 

The preferred treatment of white persons are expensive, (usually taxpayer and/or parent-funded) reeducation classes often known as workplace seminars or college orientations. These help the intrinsically afflicted white people to realize they are racists; to loathe themselves; and, most importantly, to become leftists. 

Again, this won’t cure the white person from being a racist. Not even goddess Gaia can do that. But it will allow them to continue their lifelong road of racist remission, which dead-ends in front of defiled statues of Frederick Douglass and Cervantes at the intersection of ideology and idiocy.

A comprehensive, if not coherent, racist ideology fundamental to the Left’s critical race theory holds that all white Americans benefit from systemic racism. By perpetuating and benefitting from this systemically racist system, all white Americans are racist.For white Americans, there can be no solution; only remission and submission to the Left’s “civil religion”—per Rousseau, that which must be believed above all other beliefs, including religious ones. (If one doubts the lengths to which the Left will go to supplant existing religion with their own, simply Google “Little Sisters of the Poor.”)

These dictates of cultural Marxism’s critical race theory drive the (civil) religious fervor of the rioters (often affluent and white) as they destroy municipalities and minority communities most often governed by Democrats. (There is a reason it’s not called Marxist constructive race theory.)

While these disordered minds grasp little of citizenship, law and order, or common decency, they do glean the harsh judgment foisted upon them by their own deluded ideology: they are racists; and their only path to moral superiority is in admitting it. (Yes, leftism is a mental disorder.) 

The result is white leftists’ manifest hatred for whites who don’t consider themselves racist—and for minority police officers, whom they have also called racists and traitors to their race. (Did I mention leftism is a mental disorder?) 

In sum, these white leftists are projecting their own racism onto other white people who, not surprisingly, disagree. When this happens, these leftist accusers have two options: rant and destroy and demand evil America be transformed; or admit that they, alone, are the racists. As one might imagine, white leftists aren’t inclined to take the latter option.

Yes, cultural Marxism’s organic logic is merciless for its adherents. In fact, two obvious and awkward questions arise for Joey Basement and, indeed, for all white Democrats running to oppose America’s alleged “systemic racism.”

1) Is America an evil country? (How could a systemically racist country not be evil?)
2) Are you a racist? (If you claim America is systemically racist, how, as a fragile white American, can you claim not to be racist?) 

The electorate eagerly awaits the answer. But here’s a spoiler: No one wants to vote for a racist who thinks America is evil.

Elections

A Nightmare Campaign of Outright Idiocy

No society can tolerate this for long. The arsonists will not burn down society; the society will awaken and banish the arsonists.

As we get into high summer, there must be a very large number of Americans now actively considering whether the country is going mad.

The leading newspaper in the nation’s capital has accused the president of plumbing “new depths of depravity” in a perfectly unexceptionable and soaringly eloquent speech at Mount Rushmore last Friday. Praising the American revolutionary ideal that “all men are created equal” and its reaffirmation by Abraham Lincoln in the Civil War that brought about the abolition of slavery somehow made Donald Trump “dark” and “divisive.” The president deplored academic and national media self-hate and espoused the highest objectives identified and pursued by every admired American leader from Washington and Franklin to Martin Luther King and Ronald Reagan.

As the violent crime rate skyrocketed in New York City 10 days ago, the City Council voted to reduce the police budget by $1 billion. Meanwhile, Chicago celebrated the July 4 weekend with 87 people injured and 17 killed by gunfire, including two children, but the city’s mayor rebuked the police chief when he suggested there is room for improvement in city governance.

NeverTrumpers like Mitt Romney, who walked in the Black Lives Matter parade last month, express solidarity with the group even when it affirms that it does not accept that all lives matter and its New York leader, Hawk Newsome, announced on national television, “if this country doesn’t give us what we want, then we will burn down this system and replace it. All right?”

The Democratic presidential nominee is a waxwork dummy hiding in his basement. Joe Biden can scarcely utter a correct English sentence and has the haggard countenance of a fatigued nonagenarian. In his few television and internet appearances, the former vice president is ambiguous about defunding the police and continues to regard BLM as a valuable political ally fighting racial inequality, even though in the last month it has revealed itself proudly as a white-hating Marxist urban terrorist organization.

Fatalities from the coronavirus have declined by nearly 90 percent and evidence has piled up in nearly 40 million coronavirus tests that large numbers of healthy Americans have contracted the disease and had no or minimal symptoms. This progressively immunizes the public from it, yet in a barefaced attempt to prolong economic miseries and public hysteria, the Democrats uniformly agitate for a resumed economic shutdown.

That party is bound hand-and-foot to the palsied hulk of organized labor and is a tinny echo of the teachers’ unions’ demands that schools be kept closed until there is a vaccine: an indefinite fully paid holiday for the nation’s underworked teachers who, in a great many cases, provide no more education to America’s youth than would a daycare center.

With less than four months before the election, this is the campaign: a constant media carpet-bombing of defamatory lies about the president on behalf of a comatose candidate . . .

Last month, David Axelrod, the Democrats’ keeper-in-residence of the flame of legendary agitator Saul Alinsky, treated readers to a denunciation of the “cruel” policy of the administration in reopening the economy. The cruelty was not in the facilitation of 20 million suddenly unemployed people resuming their jobs and incomes; it was apparently the unspeakable attempt to deprive the Democrats of their sole possibility of election victory: hanging around the neck of the president like a toilet seat the responsibility for an induced economic depression, not needed to protect public health, but because of the administration’s moral duty to commit political suicide for the benefit of the Democrats.

In the absence of a feasible presidential nominee, the Democratic campaign is being conducted by the national political media with almost the sole exception of Fox News and its affiliates, the Wall Street Journal and New York Post. The New York Times has at least declared that its objective is not simply to report even-handedly but to oppose the Trump Administration. All the others do the same without acknowledging it.

This is the general and entirely voluntary immolation of the professional integrity of the American news media. The majority of Americans recognize and respond in polls that they think the media is untrustworthy. The unofficial opposition to Trump is an informal alliance between hooligans, terrorists, Democratic urban machine crooks, mudslinging media, and a pernicious virus.

With less than four months before the election, this is the campaign: a constant media carpet-bombing of defamatory lies about the president on behalf of a comatose candidate, propagation of unfounded hysteria over a fading pandemic, self-induced and redundant economic depression, open borders to admit and give free medical care to the unskilled peasantry of the world, and national self-abasement before militant African Americans demanding minority rule and the renunciation and degradation of those who founded the United States and led it to a pinnacle of influence in the world unequaled in all history. And this ludicrous, almost unimaginable, mockery of a quest for the world’s highest office is, in the perversity of these times, apparently leading in the polls.

It is impossible and it will blow up.

To remind ourselves of the character of the election campaign and to test our resistance to orally and visibly induced nausea, my wife and I on Monday jointly took the pledge to watch part of what was billed as the CNN evening newscast. For 10 minutes, Don Lemon performed with Chris Cuomo as his straight-man, perfect Fredo in a political mafia hit job (“The Godfather”). Cuomo gave no views but Lemon delivered a fluent monologue, building from thin air the purported certainty that President Trump is a racist and has based his campaign for the presidency and his execution of that office on racism.

There was no evidence of any of this—and there can be none—because he is not in the slightest degree a racist. But that only proves the truthfulness of Trump’s assertion that most of the media are liars and bloodless assassins. They are and therefore he must be assassinated (preferably) bloodlessly.

With sophomorically affected worldliness, Lemon allowed that Trump’s flummery and charade are about to end: “This is what happens when a candidate is trailing and his number’s up.” He said this in the same voice and with the same po-faced certainty that he told us throughout the Russian collusion fraud that “The walls are closing in on the president.” Straight-man Fredo nodded and mumbled throughout. This is the same font of wisdom who described Antifa in 2017, after it committed arson at Berkeley, as “a progressive reform organization,” and said at the height of the post-George Floyd rioting: “Where does it say that protesters have to be peaceful?” (He might consult the criminal statutes.)

This is some new form of farce noire, a nightmare of outright idiocy, part slapstick and part horror, playing on a gigantic stage. Fortunately, we know it has to end on November 3, but the audience will likely tire of it and bring down the curtain well before then. No society can tolerate this for long. The arsonists will not burn down society; the society will awaken and banish the arsonists.

Elections

Where the Hell Is John Durham?

Trump has every right to be enraged that four years after Barack Obama’s top henchmen concocted and executed the biggest political scandal of all time, not one person has been held criminally responsible while trials against his associates drag on.

In May 2019, Attorney General William Barr made an announcement millions of Americans had been waiting for: A U.S. attorney outside the Beltway would investigate the corrupt origins of the FBI’s probe into Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and government efforts to sabotage the incoming president after he was elected.

For the past 14 months, we have been waiting (impatiently, I confess) for news from John Durham, the Connecticut prosecutor Barr tapped to lead the long-delayed inquiry. After all, by the time the attorney general initiated the targeted probe, there was plenty of evidence of wrongdoing by top officials in the Obama Administration, including James Comey, John Brennan, and Andrew McCabe among others. Special Counsel Robert Mueller had wrapped up his two-year partisan witch hunt and despite unlimited resources—along with the unflinching support of Republicans on Capitol Hill—Barack Obama’s former FBI director could find no evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin.

But Mueller did plenty of damage in the interim. Just weeks after his May 2017 appointment, Mueller started rounding up Trump associates: George Papadopoulos was arrested at Dulles Airport in July 2017 on a concocted charge. A few months later, Paul Manafort, Trump’s campaign manager, was arrested; Lt. General Michael Flynn finally relented to a plea deal for which he still hasn’t been sentenced. (The judge in the case is refusing to drop the charges against Flynn, per the government’s request.) All that and more happened within the first six months of Mueller’s investigation.

Yet Durham has produced nothing for public consumption.

In an interview last month, Barr said there might finally be some news in the next month or so. “[Durham] is pressing ahead as hard as he can, I expect we will have some developments hopefully by the end of this summer,” Barr told Fox News Channel’s Maria Bartiromo on June 21. “His investigation will continue, it’s not going to stop because of the election. What happens after the election will depend on who wins the election.”

In other words, the clock is ticking—and Barr knows it.

A Post-Election Announcement?

On Thursday, hope for a pre-election resolution took a big hit when Fox News reported that if Durham can’t finish his work in the next several weeks, he will “punt it until after the election,” one unnamed source disclosed.

In some respects, it might already be too late for Durham to present a case that’s legitimate in the eyes of the public. Obamagate continues to be of intense interest to Trump’s base but it could be considered old news by most Americans. Further, Democrats and the media have waged full-out war on the attorney general, attempting to discredit Barr as a Trump lackey doing the president’s political bidding. Indictments announced even this summer undoubtedly will be condemned as attempted election interference, and it’ll be hard to dispute that claim at this late date.

So, what in the world is taking so long?

Yes, the coronavirus crisis slowed all court proceedings and investigative work. But it’s hard to understand why clear-cut evidence of criminal misconduct hasn’t been enough to justify a single indictment so far. The report issued by Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz outlined extensive instances of abuse of power, including false presentations to a secret court. One FBI lawyer intentionally doctored evidence. More than three years ago, former Obama officials leaked classified information to the media, a felony punishable by up to 10 years in jail. Those suspects have never been identified let alone charged with a crime.

Former CIA Director John Brennan told Congress the infamous Steele dossier wasn’t used as back-up material for his damning Intelligence Community Assessment that claimed the Russians meddled in the election to help Trump win. That, according to Horowitz’s report, was a lie.

Former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe admitted lying to federal investigators under oath three times, yet he’s a free man and a CNN contributor.

Former FBI Director James Comey and his top gang—including McCabe, Peter Strzok, and Lisa Page—long ago should have been charged with conspiracy against the United States for masterminding the entire Russian collusion hoax and foisting it on the American people for nearly three years.

There’s more low-hanging fruit. Fusion GPS chief Glenn Simpson was representing a Russian businessman before the Justice Department while seeding the bogus Steele dossier to that same agency and to the American news media but has never been charged with a foreign lobbying violation. House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) repeatedly lied about evidence of Russian collusion, including in a February 2018 memo addressed to his House colleagues, but never has been charged with lying to Congress.

In fact, nearly every Obamagate perpetrator misled the American people about Russian collusion but, as Representative Devin Nunes (R-Calif.) pointed out, they told much different stories to Congress behind closed doors.

“Guilty As Hell, Nothing Happens”

It appears Trump, like his supporters, are fed up with the delays and inaction.

The president lashed out Thursday in a series of tweets blasting the “totally corrupt” Obama administration and the inept overseers of justice. “This crime was taking place even before my election, everyone knows it, and yet all are frozen stiff with fear,” Trump raged. “No Republican Senate Judiciary response, NO ‘JUSTICE,’ NO FBI, NO NOTHING. Major horror show REPORTS on Comey & McCabe, guilty as hell, nothing happens. Catch Obama & Biden cold, nothing.”

Hard to argue with that. Ironically, Senator Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) last week expressed the same frustration with Durham’s probe. The former chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, now led by Senator Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), whined on Twitter that it would be “SAD SAD” if there were no indictments related to the scandal until after the election.

That’s awfully rich coming from Grassley. As chairman of the committee in charge of overseeing the Justice Department, Grassley did little but write letters for two years. Senate Republicans knew in early 2017 that the Steele dossier was opposition research paid for by the Democrats and Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign but backed Mueller’s witch hunt anyway. While Nunes and House Republicans did the heavy lifting and took the shots, Senate Republicans dithered.

Graham is performing no better than Grassley, despite months of threats. Graham, too, is permitting Obamagate conspirators to testify in private rather than forcing them to come clean with Americans in an open hearing. After finally convincing his Republican-controlled committee to approve a weak resolution authorizing subpoenas for about 50 Obamagate perps, Graham has only questioned Bruce Ohr, a Justice Department official friendly with Christopher Steele, whose wife worked on the anti-Trump project for Fusion GPS behind closed doors.

Trump has every right to be enraged that four years after Barack Obama’s top henchmen concocted and executed the biggest political scandal of all time, not one person has been held criminally responsible while trials against his associates drag on.

Further, the president been betrayed by the leadership of his own party. It was a matter of nanoseconds after Democrats took control of the House before they leveraged every ounce of their new power to savage Trump and Republicans. Republicans, on the other hand, have sat “frozen stiff” while wielding powerful gavels and making empty promises. (I wrote a partial list of the Senate GOP’s failures here.)

Something could change in the next week or so but for now, between Trump’s tweets and Fox News reporting on a possible delay until November, it looks more and more like justice for Trump—and the country—will be denied.

Elections

The Political Tsunami of 2020

Warning: A political tsunami is coming. What refills its displacement and arises in the aftermath of its destruction—a restoration or transformation—will be up to us.

Our nation survived 2016’s “Flight 93 Election.” We charged the cockpit, elected President Trump, and achieved four years of making America great again. But now it’s time to buckle up for 2020, as all indicators warn that our nation’s flight path is heading straight into a massive political tsunami.

You may recall the tale of the tsunami and Tilly Smith. Tilly was the young lady vacationing on a Thai beach in 2004 with her family when she recognized the signs of an approaching tsunami, the result of an earthquake somewhere out in the ocean that produced an enormous water displacement. Hundreds of thousands of lives were lost in the destruction that day—but the hundred or so on the beach, warned by the heroic Tilly, were saved.

America, this is your Tilly warning of 2020. There are ominous, unmistakable signs of a coming political tsunami, set off by events that have shaken our foundational bedrock, rising to soaring heights from the depths of division, and set on a course to crush our nation, both figuratively and literally. The ideology that ultimately replaces what this tsunami displaces, the creators and controllers of its substance, meaning, and application, and whether that which the tsunami destroys is restored or is transformed—will be up to us.

There Is No High Ground Escape

Most of the tsunami-instigating earthquakes have been centered around Washington, D.C. and other Democratic-controlled cities. But there are also rumblings fueled and even instigated by the corporate media complex that colludes with Democrats and each other for maximum impact. The policies crafted to mitigate COVID-19 created additional destructive economic and psychological tremors that weakened our nation’s foundation. Black Lives Matter “protests” have inflamed racial tensions, further driving a societal and political division as deep as the Mariana Trench. 

The zones around deep oceanic trenches are where most enormous, earthquake-caused tsunamis originate. Likewise, the extreme depth of our nation’s division leading up to this election serves as a warning of the towering heights this wave could reach, and the vast breadth of the horizontal destruction it could inflict.

No matter how far away you may live from violence-torn cities or how insulated you may feel from the effects of politics, biased media influence, COVID-19 rules, or racial tensions—there will be no escape from this tsunami. There is no higher ground, no other state or city to which you can flee or escape. You will, as an American citizen, eventually face its impact. 

Before 2016, political but generally tame earthquakes were often engineered to create winning wave elections. They used to be as normal and expected as October surprises. But that was before the bipartisan ruling class lost a presidential election. In 2016, we witnessed not an orderly and peaceful transition of power, but rather the onset of unprecedented, outrageous mischief from the outgoing administration and its allies in both political parties, the media, and deep state networks. 

Those anti-Trump forces have been unifying and boldly, constantly attacking—not just Trump and his administration, but also his supporters—over the past four years. They are using every means available, because to them, this is all necessary, even if it means condoning riotous mobs taking over our nation’s streets or implementing pandemic strategies that ruin our economy.

It is no ordinary wave that looms as we approach the 2020 elections. Its force reaches into the past in order to erase and rewrite our nation’s history. Its power arises from divisions so deep they seem to reach the gates of the underworld, its primal screams rising up to join the echoes reaching Earth from the battle in the heavenly realms. It can be no coincidence that two symbols emerging in the conflict are the posture of kneeling and the wearing of masks—covering faces out of which “the soul, the image and likeness of God, shines through.”

Shine, Perishing Republic

You feel it in your soul: something is out there, brewing, and it’s not good. Riots, ineffective government response, a failed impeachment coup, draconian lockdown measures in response to a pandemic, media collusion to spin and censor the narrative—and all the while powerful interests around the world unify and plan for a global “Great Reset,” never letting the “golden opportunity” of the crises go to waste.

You see and hear signs of the coming tsunami: throughout cyberspace, on TV, at your work, in your communities and even in the tension around your family’s dinner table. 

You were told the COVID-19 lockdowns were about pursuing the good of saving lives, yet it seemed they put our most vulnerable at risk while unnecessarily making life miserable for everyone else. You were told that the CARES Act was about rectifying some of the pandemic’s economic damage, yet Democrats snuck Green New Deal and other progressive measures into it. You were told that the Black Lives Matter protests are all about “caring” but watched as they produced destruction that looks like anything but loving one’s neighbor. 

You found your own small business shut down and failing while Amazon delivered and thrived. You weren’t allowed to gather and sing in church but you see protesters allowed to congregate in massive numbers, yelling “fuck the police.” 

You woke up one morning to find a person you followed on Twitter permanently banned merely for saying something patently true, or another company executive fired for having voiced the wrong opinion. Or you’re shocked to see Twitter actually labeling a tweet of the sitting U.S. president “abusive behavior” for mentioning the use of “force” in order to uphold the law.

You read about hundreds of shootings and deaths of blacks in Chicago, including several children, but hear nothing about their lives from the Black Lives Matter movement and justice for them doesn’t count in the movement’s cries of  “No justice, no peace.” 

Then you realize that if this movement continues as it is, there will be no justice and no peace anywhere, and instead the Orwellian version of peace and justice we will get—for anyone, of any color—feels more like war. You realize that the rioters are tearing down our nation’s statues because they can and that they—along with the media, big corporations, and politicians who support them—are actually showing us what our future will look like if ignorance is allowed to be strength. 

You realize that the shine of the city on the hill will be dimmed with graffiti and boarded-up windows, behind which its subjects, no longer “citizens,” will cower in fear.

An Appeal to Heaven

Tsunamis are displacements. Their force pulls something out, and then something else, often violently, moves in to take its place. What was once “normal” is exchanged for a “new normal.” And it’s in that brave new-normal world that the ruling class—influential corporations, foreign interests, affluent virtue-signaling moral narcissists, and politicians on both sides of the aisle—imagines it will gain power to further define and control. 

The GOP seems purposely to ignore the warning signs, as though cynically allowing the American people to suffer in the hope they can blame the Democrats and then benefit politically. Democrats spin the suffering as caused by Trump in hopes that in turn, it causes him to lose reelection. 

But these politicians and many other members of the ruling class are merely naïve, useful idiots to the far Left in their ultimate, more transcendent goal of “revolution.” Revolution, for them, is always the issue, and all these other issues that hold the attention of the moment are never really the issue, but rather the Left’s shields and weapons. The label of “racism” has evolved to the point that it is both shield and weapon. 

As you view disturbing scenes of monuments and statues smashed and toppled—supposedly in the name of eradicating racism—you recall the history of other Leftist-led revolutions around the world and their eerily similar images. You notice that today’s destructive forces appear aimed at particular groups—the middle class, small businesses, families, churchgoers—and remember that those other revolutions shared the same targets, the same ideology, and eventually, the same terror.

So we must prepare. Pay attention. Arm ourselves with facts, history. Inform others. Warn them. Stand up for the rule of law. Appreciate first responders. Protect our communities: repair, nurture, invest in them. Educate our children. Take care of our families. Love our neighbors. Support politicians who put the security of our nation first. And most of all, pray. 

Ultimately this is not only up to us. What in so many ways seems to be a supernatural alliance against us will require the aid of the supernatural if we are to overcome it. Just as historian David McCullough observed—that “divine intervention” was the “decisive element” that enabled the creation of this great nation—we must again appeal to that which he recognized as “Providence.”

It was “with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence” that the signers of the Declaration of Independence closed their earth-shaking document, as hunted men who pledged their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor to each other. As Hillsdale College President Larry Arnn observed, “That is how people talk on a battlefield when they are ready to die for each other.” 

Into the Tsunami?

This coming tsunami is not a wave to surf toward some kind of preferred election result or imagined environmental or social justice outcome. It must be faced head-on. In its aftermath we can only endure if we—committed to each other, our principles and our God as those signers of the Declaration were—hold resolutely to “the thing” for which we must be willing to sacrifice all and, if necessary, commit to restore and rebuild.

Our nation has been fortunate to have Trump in the cockpit since 2017. As he articulated magnificently at Mount Rushmore, Trump has a clear understanding of what we’re up against and a clear vision of what we stand for. Although there are no guarantees that he can pilot us safely through this and onward to enact a further restoration of American greatness, this is a binary election. If we don’t vote to keep him in the cockpit and vote for supportive Republicans in the copilot’s seat, the Democrats win.

And their flight plan is straight into the Leftist tsunami. 

Elections

Run, Kanye, Run!

By taking even a small percentage of Biden’s potential voters, Kanye can help Trump bigly.

Kanye West over the weekend tweeted his intention to run for president in 2020. This with just under four months left before polling stations open (and early voting set to open in some states, such as Illinois, 40 days before the November election). His wife, Kim Kardashian, has confirmed that Kanye is, in fact, running for president this year. 

The usual suspects in the media are laughing at the announcement. Most believe it’s just a publicity stunt. But I think something else is at play here, and I think Kanye’s bid for president should be encouraged—particularly on the Right. 

The first question on everyone’s mind is: can Kanye win? The likely answer is “no.” 

Kanye and those closest to him almost certainly understand that. If they do understand the reality, then, it is likely his flirtation with seeking high office has a larger purpose. Greater publicity has little to do with it, though Kanye will certainly gain that. Running for president, even as a longshot prospect, is a daunting task. There has to be either real belief in the cause or something one can gain for engaging in such a costly endeavor. 

Beginning in the 1980s, for example, Donald Trump flirted with running for the highest elected office in the land. He always stopped shy of running for the presidency because, as he said repeatedly in public, he would only ever commit to running if he believed he could actually win. After nearly 30 years of teasing his intention to run for the presidency, Trump finally committed in 2015.

As the folks at Ballotpedia have reported, most state laws prevent Kanye from running as either a Democrat or Republican this late in the election cycle. So Kanye would have to run as an independent. In To qualify as an independent and receive a place on the various state ballots, Kanye and his team would need to petition all 50 states to allow him on. According to Hunter Walker of Yahoo! News, Kanye is already ineligible to appear on the ballot in three of the top six states in the electoral college—Illinois, Texas, and New York—because he missed the filing deadlines in those all-important states. Others, such as the electorally vital state of North Carolina, have deadlines fast approaching. 

Of course, Kanye could run as a write-in candidate. But, as Deseret News has assessed, “33 states require a write-in presidential candidate to file some paperwork in advance of an election. In nine states, write-in voting for presidential candidates is not permitted.” That’s 42 of the 50 states that either restrict or disallow presidential write-in candidates for this stage of the presidential campaign. The remaining states, however, remain open to such a bid. 

Even if he only were to appear on the ballots in a few states, though, it might be enough to help Donald Trump’s reelection bid—a cause that is looking especially bleak as the novel coronavirus from Wuhan, China propagates throughout the country, race riots continue unabated, and the economy remains in the doldrums (although it has seen modest improvements in the last month). 

And that is why I believe Kanye is running for president: the desire to help his friend and fellow celebrity, Donald Trump. 

Kanye has made it known that he supports President Trump; Kanye made headlines when he embraced the president during the contentious transition from the Obama Administration into the Trump Administration in 2017, and he ruffled the feathers of several powerful people in the entertainment industry when he unapologetically donned a crimson “Make America Great Again” ball cap. Kanye has also defended the controversial black conservative commentator, Candace Owens—much to the chagrin of his colleagues in Hollywood. On top of that, he has moved away from rap music and into making gospel music—all while proclaiming his newfound faith in Jesus Christ as his savior. 

All of these changes factor heavily into Kanye’s decision to run for president. He probably can’t win. Those likely to be drawn to his campaign will be voters who otherwise would have been more inclined to vote for former Vice President Joe Biden (young people, urbanites, and minorities) than Donald Trump in November. Kanye just might peel away enough people from Biden to give Trump the edge he needs to win reelection. 

Kanye becomes a significant threat to Biden’s chances if he manages to meet the July filing deadline in states like California, South Carolina, Florida, Michigan, and Colorado—all of which Biden must win in order to ensure his victory over Trump in November. By taking even a small percentage of Biden’s potential voters, Kanye can help Trump bigly

For all of these reasons, I say that Kanye absolutely should run for president. He could very well save the republic from the irrevocable socialism that a Biden presidency would impose on us, by helping President Trump across the finish line in November.

Elections

Point of No Return

The time to choose between irreconcilable opposites is almost at hand.

Donald Trump gave the greatest speech of his career on Friday night at Mount Rushmore, an address that will soon take on historic importance. The president has now forced his opponents out of their fetid hothouse of snobbery, humbug, and subversion. In the process he has forced the Bush Republicans, who led the party between the retirement of Ronald Reagan and the rise of Donald Trump, to show their colors.

George H. W. Bush became president because James Baker, his campaign manager in 1980 when he was running against Ronald Reagan for the Republican nomination, persuaded him to throw his lot in with Reagan after the former California governor’s nomination victory was assured, but while Bush could still win another primary. Not having strong views on the subject, Reagan gave Bush (as the distant runner-up for the nomination) the vice-presidential position. He was a dutiful vice president and competent president, but he never understood how or why Reagan had moved the Republican Party. 

When Bush sought reelection in 1992, he lost 20 million mainly Republican votes to the political charlatan Ross Perot, thereby bringing the Clintons down upon America. President Clinton moved the Democratic Party closer to the center, away from the nostrums of Jimmy Carter and George McGovern. And the Bush-McCain-Romney Republicans were almost Clintonian political look-alikes.

It was OBushinton government for seven terms and, on balance, it was a disaster. 

There was almost permanent entanglement in the Middle East after 2001, with the principal consequence that Iran gained a dominating influence over most Iraqis. International terrorism was skillfully fought and contained but Iraq, Syria, and Yemen disintegrated, an immense humanitarian disaster involving millions of pitiful refugees resulted; the greatest financial crisis in the world since the Great Depression occurred—traceable directly to President Clinton’s regulatory and legislative sponsorship of the housing bubble; 10 to 15 million unskilled people entered the U.S. illegally, and the working and middle classes of America experienced a prolonged period of no increase in their income as measured by purchasing power. Iran and North Korea were allowed to get to the edge of nuclear military power and China was challenging U.S. interests everywhere. 

It was the most incompetent period of presidential government in American history, exceeding the decade prior to the Civil War and even the Prohibition, isolationism, and the crash of 1929 which led to the Great Depression of the 1930s. 

Distinctions became blurred between Republicans and Democrats, and the mediocre performance of the United States in the world and the failure of scores of millions of hard-working Americans to better their lot created the discontent in which Donald Trump was able to win control of the Republican Party by sweeping the primaries in 2016. 

At the same time, the Democratic Marxist Left led by journeyman socialist Bernie Sanders came close to defeating Hillary Clinton for the Democratic nomination in 2016. Sanders was on the way to winning the nomination this year when the party elders picked Joe Biden out of the ditch where the Democratic primary voters had put him and installed him as the candidate.    

Embracing the Chaos

Since Trump led a revolution against all the established factions of both parties, they joined hands to deny him any honeymoon. The first three years of his presidency were consumed by the almost certainly criminal Trump-Russian collusion hoax and the spurious impeachment attempt. 

By late January, Trump’s success in almost eliminating unemployment, oil imports, and illegal immigration, and his revival of economic growth, revision of trade agreements, and elevation of nearly 200 constitutionalist judges, had made his election appear almost inevitable. 

The Democrats naturally shrieked with glee at the prospect of shutting down the economy to fight the COVID-19 virus, and have continually demanded an economically self-strangling shutdown for an indefinite period. The pandemic has had the additional blessing of giving Democrats an excuse to hide their candidate in his basement, as Joe Biden is obviously not up to the very tough process that a successful presidential candidacy requires.

The pandemic’s cumulative impact on the voters, the precipitation of more than 15 million people into unemployment in the resulting shutdown, and the severe urban violence that assaulted every principal tenet of American patriotism following the death of George Floyd, all combined to produce the astounding anomaly that Joe Biden appears to lead Donald Trump in pre-election polls by as much as eight or ten percent.     

Emboldened by what they took to be the long-anticipated dissolution of the Trump political phenomenon, the NeverTrumpers (Republicans who had never rallied to this president) have come snorting out of the undergrowth in full fraternization with the Biden Democrats. This adherence to Biden, whom they had reviled or at least disdained for decades, occurred as the Democrats themselves waffled ambiguously in the face of urban guerrillas smashing up many of America’s greatest cities, and as the flaccid and corrupt Democratic governments of those cities abased themselves before Black Lives Matter and Antifa. 

Nothing But the Truth

As the leadership of Black Lives Matter is professedly Marxist and rejects the proposition that all lives matter, it is an overtly and violently anti-white, racist institution of the far Left. Antifa are violent, racist fellow-travelers. In failing to condemn these groups unequivocally, the Democratic Party will soon discover that it has been mortally infected by cohabitation with them.     

President Trump spoke nothing but the truth at Mount Rushmore on Friday when he said “Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children. Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities. Many of these people have no idea why they are doing this but some know exactly what they are doing.” 

It is inconceivable that the FBI—particularly with the opprobrium it has rightly attracted for its antics in the Russian collusion canard—is not close to being able to indict the leadership of Black Lives Matter and Antifa for sedition and incitement to a range of violent crimes, including murder and arson. It is also inconceivable that the country could fail to choose the president’s championship of patriotic continuity with strong emphasis on racial equality and the highest standards of civilized law enforcement over the nihilism and Americo-phobic mob rule of the post-George Floyd rioters whom the Democrats in their decadent insipidity have appeased.

The almost inexpressibly contemptible Democratic de Blasio regime in New York City has reduced the police budget by $1 billion as violent crime has more than doubled. The president’s reopening of the economy brought back nearly 5 million workers out of unemployment in June and this process should continue. The fatality rates of the pandemic have declined by nearly 90 percent from their high, with spread of the virus now concentrated amongst those who can best resist it. The subject of pathetic Democratic hand-wringing, the surge in new cases is effectively irrelevant other than that it increases national immunity to it.  

Former conservatives and pillars of the pre-Trump Republican Party are now facing the point of no return. If they confirm their support for the almost leaderless Democratic Party now closely allied with pestilence and racist mayhem, they will never have any political influence in any party again. The time to choose between irreconcilable opposites is almost at hand.

Elections

The Civil War Election

For the first time in modern history, the presidential election will be a choice between a party that loves America and a party that hates America.

As the summer of our discontent drags on, the fall of 2020 will bring with it either the fall of America or its rise from the ashes. This Independence Day, the battle lines were drawn unambiguously, and the fate of our nation truly does rest on the decision of the American voters in November.

It is now a commonplace that every election of our recent history is “the most important” election ever—and it may often seem there is no reason for this other than to drive up voter enthusiasm and campaign contributions. Of course, each time, the candidates go on the next cycle just four years later, “No, this time it really is the most important election ever!”

Even accepting that given, any objective look at the parameters of the national discussion leading into this election makes it clear that 2020 is not only an important election, but indeed, a domestic existential crisis unlike any this country has seen since 1860 on the eve of the Civil War. For the first time in modern history, the presidential election will be a choice between a party that loves America, and a party that openly hates it.

In One Corner, Unapologetic Patriotism 

President Donald Trump has given many significant speeches over the course of his first four years in office. Until now, the general consensus has been that his greatest speech most likely was the one he gave in Warsaw almost exactly three years ago.

In that speech, using the language of a modern Pericles, he hailed the glorious achievements of Western Civilization, from its darkest moments to its greatest triumphs, and argued that ours is a civilization that can survive against all enemies, foreign and domestic, so long as we have the will to preserve our individual national identities.

If Trump’s Warsaw speech was a rallying cry to secure the future for the broader international community of free Western nations, then his speech at Mount Rushmore on Friday wasits domestic equivalent.

In that speech, too, President Trump addressed a major existential crisis facing the flagship of Western Civilization, the United States of America. Just as he did in Warsaw, he implored all patriotic and God-fearing Americans to stand up for their heritage, cherish their history, and defend their country from an insidious force that is actively seeking to erase America’s true past from the history books.

The Mount Rushmore speech will go down in history not only as one of the greatest speeches of Trump’s presidency in terms of sheer quality but also in terms of the timeliness of the address.

Like his Independence Day speech in 2019, he gave an extensive history lesson that should instill pride in all who hear it. He recalled the greatest achievements of the four men whose visages were carved into the towering mountain that stood above him. From winning our independence against the largest empire in history, to saving our union and abolishing slavery, President Trump made it clear why these four men in particular were chosen to be memorialized in such an immortal way—and why they deserved it.

He spoke out unapologetically in defense of America’s unique heritage even as mobs of evil anarchists and violent Communists rabidly tear down monuments and statues to some of America’s greatest heroes. He explicitly called out the Left’s latest tactic of “cancel culture,” as hundreds of regular Americans are driven from their jobs, their schools, and even their homes for the simple act of committing wrongthink against the Left’s meaningless mantra of “social justice.”

By directly naming the enemy and its tactics while simultaneously issuing an unwavering defense of the fabric of our nation, President Trump spoke the words that every American needed to hear. He spoke to those who are currently living in fear of the mob, reassuring them that not only do they have nothing to be ashamed of by being proud Americans but that they have a true champion in the White House.

And, following up his tough rhetoric with swift action, the president announced an action that essentially amounted to a great big slap in the face of all of the rioters and screeching anti-American mobs: An executive order to repair fallen monuments, as well as the creation of a brand new national monument, “The National Garden of American Heroes.” Few actions are more decisive and show more resolve than immediate rebuilding in the face of destruction. Such a response is uniquely American.

In the Other Corner, Seething Self-Hatred

President Trump’s 90-minute speech was by far the second-best method for defining his opposition going into the November election. The only thing that served that purpose better was Joe Biden’s pathetic 90-second response.

From a visual standpoint alone, Biden’s July 4 address failed from the start. Whereas President Trump gave a magnificent in-person address to thousands of Americans, under the watchful eyes of four of America’s greatest presidents, Joe Biden kept his address strictly digital, from the confines of his basement, in order to continue perpetuating the debunked notion that the Chinese coronavirus remains a mortal threat to all.

But on substance, he delivered President Trump a winning electoral message.

With this video, Biden has irreversibly thrown in his lot with the “America is racist” crowd. He started off bashing Thomas Jefferson—who, not coincidentally, is one of the men depicted on Mount Rushmore and the principal author of the document for which we celebrate American Independence.

He then proceeded to declare that America is plagued by fundamental and “systemic racism,” and declared the political canonization of the new patron saint of race-baiters, the martyr George Floyd. Rather than memorialize past presidents or true civil rights leaders, Biden saw fit to move our heroes to the back of the proverbial bus so that he could elevate Floyd above them in status.

In service of furthering the notion that Biden is taking the Chinese virus seriously, his video then depicted numerous “diverse” Americans staring directly into the camera, all with their faces covered by masks. Although this trope of “solemn diverse stares” has been done to death in many left-wing political advertisements, the presence of the masks only creates a more dystopian and unsettling picture, especially in the wake of Biden’s pledge that he, as president, would support a federal mandate that every American be forced to wear a mask.

With this video, Biden tossed away any lingering suggestions that he might take a “moderate” approach. In the event that the media was prepared to run defense for him and claim that President Trump’s speech was a mischaracterization of Biden’s intentions, Biden himself helped to make the case for the incumbent president by being very clear about his plans to fully accommodate the vile anti-American forces on the rise in our country.

Just as President Trump vowed to protect American history, Joe Biden seeks to rewrite it in a way that would put even Orwell to shame.

The Cold Civil War

Although talk of a possible second civil war in our country is often breathless and exaggerated, it’s fitting in the context of the 2020 election. Throughout most of our history, both parties have maintained that they love America, but simply have different ideas about how to improve it.

Now it is beyond clear, as articulated by both candidates, that only one party truly loves our country, while the other is ashamed of it. One party is campaigning on building on the past to create an even more glorious future, while the other seeks to tear down what we have already built so that we can start from scratch. Not since the election of 1860 has there been such a complete polarization between the two rival factions in American politics.

This election, put simply, is the first election since the Civil War to be about one thing and one thing alone: the grateful versus the ungrateful. There is no nuance anymore, nor is there any illusion of civility. One side loves America, while the other side loathes it and wants to replace it with something unrecognizable to our heritage.

It is fitting that this dichotomy has been made crystal clear on our nation’s 244th birthday, for once again we have a national scenario in which patriots are facing off against redcoats. It is now incumbent upon us to ensure that the spirit of 1776 truly is alive and well, so that this nation may not perish from the earth.

Elections

Barr Is Right to Flag Mail-In Voting as Risky

America and the world should have confidence in the integrity of our federal election processes.

Recently, American Greatness very graciously brought my campaign for Congress to national attention.

Last week I was the apparent winner in the primary election for the Republican nomination for United States Congress for the 19th District of New York—the region of the Catskills and the Hudson River valley below Albany. It is a beautiful area of small towns and farms, as all-American as apple pie and baseball. I live near the Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown.

I won the votes that were cast in person, either on Election Day itself or through in-person early voting at election board offices. My margin of victory with those votes was about 5 percent. It is unusual for absentee ballots to reverse an outcome with such a margin. What is happening now because of mail-in voting is much more than unusual. It’s preposterous.

The rest of my narrative for the public is in a letter I have just sent to Attorney General William Barr. I am sending a copy of the letter to President Trump. I’m raising concerns not so much for my sake but for the integrity of American elections. I have a feeling that I am “Patient Zero” of the virus of deadly electoral fraud that will sweep the nation if widespread mail-in voting becomes the norm.

***

Dear Mr. Attorney General:

This is for your urgent attention and that of the Department of Justice concerning suspected major violations of federal election laws.

As a candidate for the Republican nomination for the United States House of Representatives from the 19th District of New York, I noted with appreciation your June 25 interview on National Public Radio concerning the high risk of counterfeiting and other forms of election fraud when mail-in ballots are widely or predominantly used.

In the June 23 primary election, I was the apparent winner by a margin of about 5 percent of the votes cast on election day and through in-person early voting. I received approximately 5,500 votes to my lone opponent’s approximately 5,000 votes.

The government of the State of New York, meanwhile, had mailed out tens of thousands of mail-in ballots throughout my district. Counting of mail-in ballots began on July 1, and the process has been controversial and chaotic. The interim vote counts that my election monitors and vote challengers have reported to me from the various counties in the district are so lopsided in favor of my opponent, so drastically at odds with the margins by which I won in several counties during the in-person voting, that is difficult for any reasonable person to accept them as credible. At this moment I am behind by several thousands of votes.

Citizens of New York are expected to believe that mail-in votes were as numerous as early voting and election day voting. Citizens are expected to believe that my opponent, who essentially ran no campaign, honestly received 70 percent of the mail-in votes—even in counties I had won by large margins in the in-person voting process. To say that this magnitude of reversal of election-day results through mail-in vote counting is not normal is an understatement. Any student of American elections can tell you that it is unheard of. The 19th district mail-in vote count demands that Americans believe in the suspension of the laws of political gravity.

Another circumstance that is important is that my opponent, a young lawyer with no political experience, raised and spent no more than about $14,000 in the campaign. My opponent was almost completely absent from campaign events. Indeed, he was called up for JAG duty in the military reserves during the campaign and this made him even more absent from the district. His reservist duty, of course, is an honorable thing, but I mention it to indicate the extent to which he was almost completely invisible and unknown in the district during the campaign.

I, too, am a first-time candidate, but I raised more than $200,000 and spent about $45,000 while waging an energetic, professionally staffed campaign filled with personal appearances in every locality in the district.

I was bullied mercilessly by old-line party bosses. They tried to smear me as a foreigner. In fact, I am a natural-born American citizen, the daughter of Christian immigrants from Jordan—legal immigrants—to our great country. The bosses pressured me not to run and threatened to destroy my candidacy after I insisted on running and ran a strong, well-financed campaign. Sadly, that is how politics often works in my Republican Party as well as in the other party.

Mr. Attorney General, I want you and the American people to know I am not writing as a sore loser. Winner and loser have not yet been declared. The election results have not been fully reported nor certified. But I reasonably perceive that the 19th district election is in the process of being stolen because of mail-in voting—stolen not so much from me, but from the American people.

I ask you respectfully to investigate the 19th District Republican primary election to the fullest extent, to ensure that criminal and civil laws are enforced vigorously, that criminality is punished, and that America and the world can have confidence in the integrity of our federal election processes.

Sincerely yours,

Ola Hawatmeh

Elections

An Industry of Untruth

The brand of all cultural revolutions is untruth about the past and present in order to control the future. Why we have this happening to our country is the only mystery left.

The current revolution is based on a series of lies, misrepresentations, and distortions, whose weight will soon sink it.

Viral confusion

Unfortunately few in authority have been more wrong, and yet more self-righteously wrong, than the esteemed Dr. Anthony Fauci. Given his long service as the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and his stature during the AIDS crisis, he has rightly been held up by the media as the gold standard of coronavirus information. The media has constructed Fauci as a constant corrective of Trump’s supposed “lies” about the utility of travel bans, analogies with a bad flu year, and logical endorsement of hydroxychloroquine as a “what do you have to lose” possible therapy.

But the omnipresent Fauci himself unfortunately has now lost credibility. The reason is that he has offered authoritative advice about facts, which either were not known or could not have been known at the time of his declarations.

Since January, Fauci has variously advised the nation both that the coronavirus probably was unlikely to cause a major health crisis in the United States and later that it might yet kill 240,000 Americans. In January, he praised China for its transparent handling of the coronavirus epidemic, not much later he conceded that perhaps they’d done a poor job of that. He has cautioned that the virus both poses low risks and, later, high risks, for Americans. Wearing masks, Fauci warned, was both of little utility and yet, later, essential. Hydroxychloroquine, he huffed, had little utility; when studies showed that it did, he still has kept mostly silent.

At various times, he emphasized that social distancing and avoiding optional activities were mandatory, but earlier that blind dating and going on cruise ships were permissible. Fauci weighed in on the inadvisability of restarting businesses prematurely, but he has displayed less certainty about the millions of demonstrators and rioters in the streets for a month violating quarantines. The point is not that he is human like all of us, but that in each of these cases he asserted such contradictions with near-divine certainty—and further confused the public in extremis.

In terms of how the United States “fared,” it is simply untrue that Europe embraced superior social policies in containing the virus. The only somewhat reliable assessments of viral lethality are population numbers and deaths by COVID-19, although the latter is often in dispute.

By such rubrics, the United States, so far, has fared better than most of the major European countries—France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Spain, Sweden, and Belgium—in terms of deaths per million. Germany is the one major exception. But if blame is to be allotted to public officials for the United States having a higher fatality rate than Germany, then the cause is most likely governors of high-death, Eastern Seaboard states—New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Connecticut in particular. They either sent the infected into rest homes, or did not early on ensure that their mass transit systems were sanitized daily as well as practicing social distancing.

New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, more than any other regional or national leader, is culpable for decisions that doomed thousands of elderly patients. He did not just suggest long-term-care facilities receive active COVID-19 patients, but ordered them to take them—knowing at the time that the disease in its lethal manifestations targeted the elderly, infirm, and bedridden.

Then in shameful fashion, after thousands died, Cuomo claimed that either the facilities themselves or Donald Trump were responsible for the deaths. In truth, in the United States, the coronavirus is largely a fatal disease in two senses: the vulnerable in just four states on the Eastern Seaboard that account for about 12 percent of the nation’s population but close to half of its total COVID-19 fatalities, and/or patients in rest homes or those over 65 years old with comorbidities.

Why are there currently spikes in cases among young people in warmer states and those of less population density in late June? No one is certain. But one likely reason is that millions of protestors for nearly a month crammed the nation’s cities, suburbs, and towns, shouting and screaming without masks, violating social distancing, and often without observant hand washing and sanitizing—most often with official exemption or media and political approval.

The period of exposure and incubation is over, and the resulting new cases—for the most part asymptomatic and clustered among the young—are thus no surprise. Still,  what is inconvenient is the rise in these cases—given that the Left either had claimed its mass demonstrations would not spread the disease, or, if they would, the resulting contagion was an affordable price to pay for the cry of the heart protests.

Perhaps, but the real cost of four weeks of protesting, rioting, and looting was to undermine the authority of state officials to enforce blatant violations of the quarantine. Obviously, if some can march with impunity in phalanxes of screaming, shoulder-to-shoulder protestors, while others are jailed as individuals trying to restart a business, then the state has lost its credibility with people and they will simply ignore further edicts as they see fit. Now what adjudicates quarantines are the people’s own calibrations of their own safety.

Mismanagement of the virus? There have been four disastrous official policy decisions: sending patients into rest homes; allowing millions en masse for political reasons to violate state mandates on masks and social distancing; retroactively attempting to reissue quarantine standards that their advocates and authors had themselves earlier de facto destroyed; and consistently issuing pandemic alerts solely on the flawed basis of new positive cases, without distinguishing those who were asymptomatic, or who were infected and recovered without ever being tested, or who were asymptomatic and tested positive for antibodies, or who were only briefly ill, recovered, and by no means still a case-patient.

Endemic Racial Violence?

Black Lives Matter, Antifa, and other revolutionary groups hijacked the tragic death of George Floyd. Within hours they created a mythology of rampant white police lethal attacks on innocent black victims. But that trope, too, was without a factual basis.

The wrongful deaths of unarmed African-Americans in custody have been on the decline, is far less than the number of police murdered per year, less than the number of white suspects killed, and proportionally fewer, in terms of percentages of those arrested by police, than other racial groups.

In rare interracial violence, blacks are five times more likely to attack whites than vice versa. There is a tragic war against young, black males—over 7,000 murdered per year—but it is an urban genocide of sort perpetrated in liberal cities, governed by liberal mayors and governors, and overseen by liberal police chiefs. The shooters are overwhelmingly other black males.

Somehow those facts were distorted by the Left into a trope that George Floyd was typical of an epidemic of white-generated lethal racial hatred. One can certainly argue about systematic racism as being a factor in all these asymmetries, but that is not what the rioting and their apologists have done in trafficking in accusations that have no data to support them.

Iconoclasm Redux

There is no logic to statue toppling, name changing, or culture canceling other than the quest to assert power, humiliate authorities, and create crises where they do not exist in order to manufacture a faux state of emergency—in service of a political agenda. In some sense, whether any statues fall is contingent entirely on the lack of resistance.

We know this because the ignorant rioters and protestors cannot explain why monuments to Ulysses S. Grant, Cervantes, black Civil War veterans, or Abraham Lincoln need to be toppled and destroyed as much as a statue of Robert E. Lee. We are not told why the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton is canceled out, but not the Wilson Center in Washington, or why a memorial to President Washington is targeted for defacement but not the hit play, “Hamilton,” another founder who at one time owned slaves. And what or who, if any, exactly is to replace our fallen luminaries? Name the most iconic—Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, or Che Guevarra and the current rules of perfection would disqualify them all.

The abettors of the madness—corporations, the Democratic National Committee, universities, and the media—are not so mad. Yale, named for a slave owner, is now mostly a brand name, not a certification of a first-class, disinterested, and classically liberal education.

Take the elite stamp away, and what replaces it might as well be an online degree mill—given that it is no longer so demonstrable that a Yale graduate learned more than in his four years than did a graduate of Cal State Stanislaus.

So university presidents at Princeton, Yale, Stanford, and Columbia, know that by the standards of BLM their brand names must be changed. But to do so is synonymous with multi-billion-dollar losses and the destruction of centuries-old brands. Perhaps that is why they pander to the mob the way a Roman would-be emperor outbid rivals seeking to win over the Praetorian Guard.

Trial Balloon Lies

The truth is that the COVID-19 epidemic, the lockdown, and the rioting were seen by the Left, the media, and now the Democratic Party as a renewed effort in this election year to do what Robert Mueller, Ukraine, and impeachment had not—abort the presidency of Donald Trump, or make it impossible for him to be reelected.

So Trump was to be reconfigured as a racist responsible for the death of George Floyd. Then he was smeared as a Herbert Hoover who supposedly crashed the economy all on his own. And then he became a Typhoid Mary purveyor of death who sickened and killed tens of thousands of Americans at his rallies in a way millions at left-wing protests did not.

To that end, almost daily, entire fantasies were birthed, floated, crashed, and then were replaced by new hoaxes. The strategy was that while one lie might be refuted, the bigger and more numerous the lies, the more a continuous narrative could be fabricated.

Consequently, the last two weeks, in succession we were told by the media that a noose was left in a NASCAR garage as a racist threat to NASCAR’s only major African-American driver, typical of Trump’s racist America; that Donald Trump, in dejection and self-incrimination, was soon to quit rather than face the humiliation of a landslide defeat in November; that the president knowingly rejected intelligence that the Russians were paying bounties on American soldiers in Afghanistan, as part of his obeisance to Vladimir Putin; and that Trump went to Mount Rushmore to honor racist presidents and dishonor sacred Native American land.

All were not just lies, but respectively unimaginative and banal successors to similarly long ago discredited lies—the Jussie Smollett hoax, the “Trump never wished to be president in the first place” hoax, the Russian “collusion” hoax, and the hoax that Trump’s presence turns once esteemed monuments that prior presidents, most recently Barack Obama, visited into racist dog whistles.

Then there was the monstrous lie that Joe Biden has no cognitive disabilities. That he does was the consensus of one in five polled Democratic voters, of many of his own primary rivals in numerous Democratic debates, of handlers who bragged that his basement quarantine need not end because it resulted in him outpolling Trump, of a scramble to turn the vice-presidential nomination into a veritable presidential bid, and in a litany of gaffes, blank outs, and tragic memory lapses of familiar names, places, and common referents.

Biden finally came out of his bunker to do some tele-fundraising and talk to a few preselected reporters. He almost immediately blasted a reporter as a “lying dog face.” In one of his next appearances, his opening statement started with “I am Joe Biden’s husband, even as the liberal media insisted “Joe” was “Jill.” There is now a Biden-inspired cottage industry of arguing that what Biden is recorded as saying is not what he was saying—on the theory that he so poorly pronounces words that they can become almost anything you wish.

What is cruel is cynically using a cognitively challenged candidate for the purpose of winning an election and then replacing him with a far-left vice president who otherwise likely would never have been elected.

FDR and the Democratic Party did something similar in his successful fourth-term bid in 1944 because of FDR’s anticipated early death in office—but in matters of hiding physical rather than cognitive impairment. Moreover, at least that dishonest gambit was undertaken in order to prevent a socialist takeover of the United States by jettisoning the hard leftist, Vice President Henry Wallace.

In 2020, the effort is not to ensure that a socialist not be appointed president who otherwise would not have been elected, but rather to ensure that she will be.

The brand of all cultural revolutions is untruth about the past and present in order to control the future. Why we have let this happen to our country is the only mystery left.

Elections

Trump Calls Out the New Confederate and Tory Mobs

The president, not the mobs, marches with King demanding that “promissory note” of the Declaration of Independence. They both affirm America’s founding document that “American freedom exists for American greatness.”

Before the Mount Rushmore giants, President Trump became the voice of reason, justice, and unity, of Martin Luther King, and of patriotic Americans against today’s Confederates—the rioters of 2020—and today’s Tories, the mainstream media and their elite academic masters. Trump reaffirmed the revolution of 1776 against the oldest as well as the contemporary enemies of America.

His was not the “dark” or “divisive” speech of MSM propaganda—at least no more than the Declaration of Independence, which we joyously celebrate with festivities and fireworks. Trump is now the Declaration’s principal guardian against those who promote their own tyranny as the new order and bless mob violence. He would preserve the American way of life

The enemies of the great Americans extolled by Trump are as alien to the best in America as the Confederates of 1861. While their hypocritical pleas against racism make them appear to be anti-Confederacy, their anti-American argument in fact aligns with the nihilism of the Confederacy, its rejection of the equality of the Declaration: Be neither a master nor a slave. “Some know exactly what they are doing,” Trump declared of the mob—in the most incisive line of the evening. 

The violent mayhem we have seen in the streets and cities that are run by liberal Democrats in every case is the predictable result of years of extreme indoctrination and bias in education, journalism, and other cultural institutions. Against every law of society and nature, our children are taught in school to hate their own country and to believe that the men and women who built it were not heroes but that they were villains.

That hatred is what the Confederacy bore Lincoln and the Union. The same supercilious sophistication and aristocratic snootiness toward “deplorables” characterized the Southern aristocrats of the slavocracy—in relation to the middle and working class elements of both North and South. Thus Trump can consistently defend the valor of those Americans who fought for the South against today’s New Confederate mob. 

Like all great American presidents do when confronted with such a crisis, Trump reverts to the Declaration of Independence and notes how this establishes both a dividing and a uniting principle. The rioters and their enablers fall on the wrong side of both lines. In its central principle that “All men are created equal,” the Declaration of Independence of “1776 represented the culmination of thousands of years of Western civilization and the triumph of not only spirit, but of wisdom, philosophy, and reason.” And the consequence today: “Many of these [rioters] have no idea why they’re doing this, but some know what they are doing” (emphasis added).

Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children. Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities. Many of these people have no idea why they’re doing this, but some know what they are doing.

The attacks on Washington, Jefferson, and other founders amount to a defense of tyranny. The rioters and “some [who] know what they are doing” are the Tory defenders of the tyrannical order Americans revolted against. 

Those who seek to erase our heritage want Americans to forget our pride and our great dignity so that we can no longer understand ourselves or America’s destiny. In toppling the heroes of 1776, they seek to dissolve the bonds of love and loyalty that we feel for our country and that we feel for each other. Their goal is not a better America, their goal is to end America.

The battle involves not the old military-industrial complex but the intellectual-political complex we know as Progressivism. In Trump’s discerning view “Against every law of society and nature, our children are taught in school to hate their own country and to believe that the men and women who built it were not heroes but that were villains.” The new Confederates would defy both tradition and nature in their fanatical lust for power. This is the collapse of heritage that President Reagan warned us about in his farewell speech. Of presidents following Reagan only Trump calls out “the new far-left fascism that demands absolute allegiance,” and its demands of persecution that follow, ranging in penalties from social isolation to criminal prosecution.

In contrast to the New Confederacy, the old Union retains the best of the American way of life:

We know that the American family is the bedrock of American life. We recognize the solemn right and moral duty of every nation to secure its borders and we are building the wall. We remember [quoting the Declaration] that governments exist to protect the safety and happiness of their own people. A nation must care for its own citizens first. We must take care of America first. It’s time. We believe in equal opportunity, equal justice, and equal treatment for citizens of every race, background, religion and creed. Every child of every color, born and unborn, is made in the holy image of God.

Therefore, when Trump speaks of the Mt. Rushmore presidents, he does not approach them as gods in temples. With Washington he speaks of his soldiers. He was not some Roman god, but a man in command of ordinary Americans and he is great for making them better. Trump also reminds us of Reagan’s invocation of the Washington, D.C. monuments in his First Inaugural. He emphasizes  the democratic character of other presidents too, with the founder Jefferson and with Lincoln, and especially the one most in need of defense, Theodore Roosevelt, whom he describes as “American freedom personified in full. The American people will never relinquish the bold, beautiful and untamed spirit of Theodore Roosevelt.” In fact, he would declare “Above all, our children from every community must be taught that to be American is to inherit the spirit of the most adventurous and confident people ever to walk the face of the Earth.”

Through the unjust prosecutions of his first term, Trump has kept his promises. In particular he affirms his own inaugural address’s vision of “transferring power from Washington, D.C. and giving it back to you, the American People.” This is the Fourth of July message America was longing for, radiating the inspiration of Lincoln against the New Tories and New Confederates. His second term pledge:  

It is time to plant our flag and to protect the greatest of this nation for citizens of every race in every city in every part of this glorious land. For the sake of our honor, for the sake of our children, for the sake of our union, we must protect and preserve our history, our heritage, and our great heroes. Here tonight before the eyes of our forefathers, Americans declare again, as we did 244 years ago, that we will not be tyrannized, we will not be demeaned, and we will not be intimidated by bad, evil people.

Thus, with Martin Luther King he declares “we will not be tyrannized.” Trump, not the mobs, marches with King demanding that “promissory note” of the Declaration of Independence. They both affirm America’s founding document in that “American freedom exists for American greatness.” 

US President Donald Trump arrives for the Independence Day events at Mount Rushmore National Memorial in Keystone, South Dakota, July 3, 2020. (Photo by SAUL LOEB / AFP)
Elections

A Magnificent Speech

Looking back on the 2020 election, historians will say the Mt. Rushmore speech was the moment that Donald Trump won reelection.

Donald Trump did not mention Lincoln’s First Inaugural address in his speech commemorating the spirit of American Independence at Mount Rushmore on Friday night. But the president’s speech—perhaps his most forceful and eloquent to date—vibrated with the same energy and existential commitment that fired Lincoln in March 1861. 

Lincoln came to office at a time of crisis. His election had precipitated the secession of seven Southern states. His inaugural address was both a plea for conciliation and unity as well as a warning that violence would be stopped with force. “We are not enemies, but friends,” Lincoln said

Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

Donald Trump issued a kindred invitation to unity in the midst of conflict. The signing of the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia in July 1776 was a world-historical event. It represented, the president rightly said, “the culmination of thousands of years of Western Civilization—and the triumph not only of spirit, but of wisdom, philosophy, and reason.” At the center of the triumph was the animating possession of liberty, made possible by the unanimous affirmation of the principles Thomas Jefferson articulated in the Declaration: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights . . .” 

The president’s speech was a passionate celebration of American freedom and American greatness—a greatness, he noted, that was embodied by the sublime majesty of the heads of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and Teddy Roosevelt sculpted into the granite pinnacle of Mt. Rushmore. 

But just as Lincoln spoke on the eve of civil war, so Donald Trump spoke in the midst of widespread and organized violence against the emblems and the spirit of the American promise. “[T]here is,” he warned, “a growing danger that threatens every blessing our ancestors fought, struggled, and bled to secure.”

Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children. Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities. Many of these people have no idea why they are doing this, but some know exactly what they are doing. They think the American people are weak and soft and submissive. But no, the American people are strong and proud, and they will not allow our country, and all of its values, history, and culture, to be taken from them.

I might just say “Amen!” and be done with it. But the president was not content with generalities. He sees deeply into the nature and the source of the forces besieging our country, and he is refreshingly forthright and specific about describing the malady and outlining his intended response. 

The president was especially strong in challenging what is perhaps the most obnoxious manifestation of our petulant antinomianism—that species of politically correct intolerance that has come to be called “cancel culture.” In essence, cancel culture is the malignant inversion of liberalism’s defining virtues, openness and tolerance. It is born of historical ignorance and a stunning lack of empathy—an ironic fact, since one of the chief premises of cancel culture is its own supposed superior sensitivity. 

In fact, the emotional payload of cancel culture is not more sensitive than its accommodating alternative, just more narcissistic. It operates by proxy, filing claims for redress on behalf of a ghostly population of abstractions: “indigenous peoples,” slaves of yesteryear, and on and on in an endless litany of complaint. 

What is not at all abstract, however, are the effects of cancel culture. As the president noted, it is wielded as a weapon, “driving people from their jobs, shaming dissenters, and demanding total submission from anyone who disagrees.” In a word, cancel culture is “the very definition of totalitarianism” and is “completely alien to our culture and our values.” It should have “absolutely no place in the United States of America.” And here is where his speech took on a steely seriousness. “This attack on our liberty must be stopped,” he said, “and it will be stopped.” 

In short, the president has promised to cancel cancel culture. Is that a contradiction, a violation of the spirit of tolerance he has promised to uphold? No. 

The enemies of civilization routinely use and abuse its freedoms in order to destroy it. Candid men understand this and act to prevent it. As G. K. Chesterton put it, “There is a thought that stops thought. That is the only thought that ought to be stopped.”

The alarming thing about the spirit of cancel culture, and the thing that makes its violence and intolerance different from similar interdictions in the 1960s and 1970s, is that the toxin of woke intolerance has insinuated itself deeply into the tissues of our society, not just the universities—petri dishes for all sort of malevolence—but even grade schools. It has infected not just the coddled elite that, safely insulated itself, has always loved playing at radicalism, but also mainstream corporate culture. The president accurately diagnosed the extent of the malady and its true goal:

In our schools, our newsrooms—even our corporate boardrooms—there is a new far-left fascism that demands absolute allegiance. If you do not speak its language, perform its rituals, recite its mantras, and follow its commandments, then you will be censored, banished, blacklisted, persecuted and punished. Make no mistake: this left-wing Cultural Revolution is designed to overthrow the American Revolution. In so doing, they would destroy the very civilization that rescued billions from poverty, disease, violence and hunger, and that lifted humanity to new heights of achievement, discovery, and progress.

Remember this the next time you see a mob come for a statue of Christopher Columbus or George Washington or Teddy Roosevelt, or, indeed, of Robert E. Lee. What they are coming for is our history—who we are. 

The Left, the president rightly noted, are “determined to tear down every statue, symbol, and memory of our national heritage.” And just as Lincoln warned that violence would be met with force, so Donald Trump put the world on notice that he means business. “I am deploying federal law enforcement,” he noted, “to protect our monuments, arrest the rioters, and prosecute offenders to the fullest extent of the law. I am pleased to report that yesterday, federal agents arrested the suspected ringleader of the attack on the statue of Andrew Jackson in Washington, D.C.—and hundreds more have been arrested.” The penalty for many of these destructive anarchist acts is 10 years in prison. Making an example of some of these miscreants will have a clarifying effect, not unlike that ascribed by Dr. Johnson to the prospect of hanging in a fortnight

The Mt. Rushmore speech was so good because it spoke half-forgotten home truths in an atmosphere of excited confusion and discontentment. 

We know that all of our most pathological cities have been run as Democratic monopolies for decades. Donald Trump had the temerity to point this out. We know that our public schools are increasingly factories of left-wing, anti-American indoctrination. The president had the temerity to point that out as well. The narrative is that Trump is a crude and bumbling ignoramus, but can you imagine Joe Biden or any other Democrat in office today having the moral courage and clarity of mind to say this:

The violent mayhem we have seen in the streets of cities run by liberals, is the predictable result of years of extreme indoctrination and bias in education, journalism and other cultural institutions. Against every law of society and nature, our children are taught in school to hate their own country—and to believe that the men and women who built it, were not heroes, but villains. The radicals’ view of American History is a web of lies—all perspective is removed, every virtue is obscured, every motive is twisted, every fact is distorted, and every flaw is magnified until the history is purged and the record is disfigured beyond all recognition. 

There were many other great moments in the Mt. Rushmore speech. I especially liked what the president had to say about that popular tool of moral blackmail, “social justice.” 

“The radical ideology attacking our country advances under the banner of Social Justice,” he said. “But in truth, it would demolish both justice and society. It would transform justice into an instrument of division and vengeance, and it would turn our free and inclusive society into a place of repression, domination, and exclusion.” That is as good as anything Friedrich Hayek said about that portmanteau instrument of intimidation and meritless virtue signaling. 

I also liked what he said about our government’s first obligation—“to care for its own citizens first”—what he said about free speech—“We want free and open debate, not speech codes or cancel culture”—and what he said about law enforcement and the second amendment—eager support for both. 

Finally, I liked what he said about equality. 

“We believe in equal opportunity, equal justice, and equal treatment for citizens of every race, background, religion, and creed. Every child, of every color—born and unborn—is made in the holy image of God.” Again, can you imagine any Democrat saying that—any of it? It has often been pointed out that black lives do not matter to the Black Lives Matter movement, which is really just a gigantic machine for hoovering up money from left-wing donors and despoiling the institutions and emblems of our civilization. 

It is a sad irony indeed that Black Lives Matter is explicitly dedicated to the destruction of the nuclear family—it’s part of their mission statement—since the ruination of the black family, actively abetted by the Democrats’ welfare policies, is largely responsible for the continuing plight of black Americans. 

The gospel of the radicals assailing our society today is a gospel of self-abasement. The president preaches a different message: “We stand tall, we stand proud—and we only kneel to Almighty God.” 

Colin Kaepernick was unavailable for comment.

Looking back on the 2020 election, historians will say that last night’s speech was the moment that Donald Trump won reelection. It was a magnificent speech that will, I predict, take an honored place in the library of great American political addresses. 

Elections

A Silent Strategy for the President Will Spur the Silent (and Sane) Majority

All the country needs is a couple of weeks without the president seeming to be the source of this cacophony for the national interest in sensible government to reassert itself.

Possibly by accident, there are preliminary signs, green shoots, that the president is by experimentation moving toward the campaign strategy most appropriate for the summer. It is Donald Trump, even more than Joe Biden, who should be practically silent. Because the looming presidential nominee of the Democrats is completely unfeasible, inarticulate, and incoherent, the Democratic campaign consists essentially in round-the-clock mudslinging from the 90 percent of the national political media that hates Trump and will do anything, no matter how unprofessional, to remove him. 

Notoriously, it is to this contemptible level that the principal American media have descended. The Trump campaign will continue to have his words and actions distorted, misrepresented and hurled back at him by serried ranks of bloodless assassins in the press. He should leave the refutation of them to his very able press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, who dispensed in short order this week the CNN White House reporter who asked last week if President Trump was pleased the North won the Civil War. 

The president should follow Napoleon’s maxim not to interrupt the enemy when he is in the process of making a mistake. Every day the Democrats reveal more clearly the extent to which they are relying on the coronavirus and the white-hating mobs to make their campaign for them. They are desperate to magnify the marginally relevant spread of COVID-19 by people with almost no chance of dying from it while the incidence of fatalities declines. They are desperate to appease and to make respectable Black Lives Matter (BLM), which was set up as a white-hating legion of urban guerrillas and is obligingly overt in their threat formulated by their leader in New York, Hawk Newsome, “to burn down this system.”

The quieter the president is, the harder it will be for the Trump-haters in the media to misconstrue anything he says. And without a Trump tweet or an indiscreet aside to magnify every day, the nature of the opposition to Trump will become more shrill and alarming to the sane majority of Americans. Black Lives Matter is unexceptionable as a statement. In fact it is a truism and a platitude. It’s leaders, however, do not accept the proposition that all lives matter, so the name of the organization is not inclusive but discriminatory. BLM seized upon the apparent murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, piggybacked on the appalled and sincere wave of revulsion that followed, and translated itself into widespread peaceful protest.From this platform,it proceeded to vandalize and pillage dozens of cities, killing and injuring hundreds of people, causing hundreds of millions of dollars of damage. 

The corrupt Democratic municipal political machines folded like three-dollar suitcases before the extremists, the latest shameful capitulation being the reduction of the New York City police budget by $1 billion even as violent crime and murders skyrocket. Mayor Bill de Blasio is an almost incomprehensibly cowardly and inept successor to Ed Koch, Rudolph Giuliani, and Michael Bloomberg. 

In Chicago, the Democratic bosses have ruled with wanton avarice, though intermittent executive competence, for over 90 years, and unheard-of levels of violence and murder have recently been achieved. Whole districts are police no-go areas, and there is little attempt even to prosecute most murders. Mayor Lori Lightfoot replied to the president: “I will code what I want to say [to Trump] and it starts with F and ends with U.” The integrity of Chicago prosecutors was well illustrated by the shameful fiasco of the Jesse Smollett affair. The city of Carl Sandburg, Frank Lloyd Wright, Ernest Hemingway, Clarence Darrow, and many other great cultural and civic figures in America’s history effectively has been taken over by an ethos closer to the tradition of Chicagoan Al Capone. At least he was apolitical, having been created effectively by the national madness of Prohibition. There was an excuse for him; there is no excuse for the mob rule in Chicago today.

When the president points out the dangerous implications of trying to retard economic recovery by spurious mis-projections of COVID deaths, and of placating and deferring to the BLM and Antifa hooligans and racists, he invites debate with the defamatory myth-makers of the national political media. And it must be emphasized that he has complemented the efforts of his enemies with self-inflicted wounds. 

It is hard to imagine what possessed him to say and to repeat that he wished to slow the testing for the coronavirus in order not to emphasize the number of cases that had been identified; he should do exactly the reverse in order to highlight the declining death rate and the clear distinction between the small minority that are vulnerable for reasons of reduced immunity, usually due to age, and the great majority who are economically inconvenienced but have virtually no danger of succumbing to the virus. It is equally hard to understand what he thought he was doing when he tweeted a video that included a man in a golf cart festooned with pro-Trump signs exclaiming “White Power.” The president certainly would not have detected that as it was only noticeable in the first second of the video, but somebody on his staff must be assigned to make sure that the president’s tweets do not bring him into disrepute.

With the imposition of discretion in social media and the withdrawal of the president from being constantly in the face of the public, it will instantly become much more difficult for the Democrats to portray him as President Chaos, as if he were responsible for the virus and the mobs, and to incite the public’s fear that their president is an egomaniac who cannot tolerate not being constantly at the center of attention engaged in mortal combat with his unworthy foes. Doing his job, issuing appropriate statements about his activities through authorized spokespeople, and allowing the Democrats to stew in the malodorous juice of their misanthropic quest for a reimposed economic shutdown, and their love-in with the white-hating urban terrorists of BLM and Antifa, will raise the president’s popularity and the sane majority will be spared the continued ululations of impending triumph from the Trump-hating media. (Nothing seems to last in public consciousness more than about 10 days anyway, among these fast-paced pre-electoral events.)

The president’s policy choices at this point, in any case, are unusually restrained by the scandalous defection of his secretary of defense and chairman of the joint chiefs of staff—egged on by prominent retired officers formerly in the administration. Normally, and as many of his predecessors have done, the president could use the armed forces where governors declined to request them or mobilize the national guard, to hasten the re-imposition of law in the streets of the great cities of America. In the present charged circumstances, senior elements of the Defense Department have been suborned or dragooned by the anti-Trump resistance. (Regardless of the outcome of the election, the defense secretary and CJCS should be fired the day after the election.) It is better to await the Justice Department’s infiltration of subversive organizations and the accumulation of sufficient evidence to indict and detain the leaders of the principal agents of mob rule. 

All the country needs is a couple of weeks without the president seeming to be the source of this cacophony for the national interest in sensible government to reassert itself.