“These personal attacks that we have been seeing are dangerous, on Dr. Fauci and other public health professionals as well. They are disgusting and they are divorced from reality. And we will continue to call that out.”
That was White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre, responding to Elon Musk’s tweet of “My pronouns are Prosecute/Fauci.” Jean-Pierre didn’t explain how criticizing Fauci was dangerous or divorced from reality. The Twitter boss was undeterred.
Back on December 28, Elon Musk tweeted, “Almost no one seems to realize that the head of bioethics at NIH—the person who is supposed to make sure that Fauci behaves ethically—is his wife.” That would be National Institutes of Health bioethics boss Christine Grady.
Musk’s tweet caught the attention of Bruce Y. Lee, a “digital health expert, medical doctor, avocado-eater, and entrepreneur, not always in that order” and professor of health policy and management at the City University of New York (CUNY) School of Public Health.
“Just because someone has the words ‘Chief,’ ‘Bioethics’ and ‘NIH’ in her title doesn’t mean that she [Grady] heads all of bioethics at NIH,” wrote Lee in Forbes. “That would be like saying that a head barista runs all of coffee everywhere just because ‘head’ is in that person’s title and that person deals with coffee. Or that a musk rat somehow oversees everything that Musk does, just because they share the word ‘musk.’” As Lee should know, there’s a bit more to it.
Christine Grady served with the National Institute of Nursing Research, a division of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), and in 1995 she authored The Search for an AIDS Vaccine. On page 22, Grady identifies the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) as “the branch of the NIH primarily responsible for vaccine development.”
On page 55, Grady identifies Dr. Anthony Fauci as “director of NIAID” but fails to tell readers that she had been married to the NIAID boss for ten years. That sort of evasion is not what one would expect from a health professional with a doctorate in philosophy and bioethics from Georgetown University.
The following year, Grady became deputy director of the Department of Bioethics of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) Clinical Center, and in 2012, the NIH gave Grady the top job. The official NIH announcement makes no mention of Grady’s marriage to NIAID boss Dr. Fauci, and no mention of The Search for an AIDS Vaccine. On the other hand, the announcement does prove enlightening:
The Clinical Center’s bioethics department researches and advises on issues stemming from and affecting the conduct of clinical research at the Clinical Center in Bethesda, Md., and around the world.
So NIH bioethicist Christine has global reach. In addition, “The NIH Clinical Center (CC) is the clinical research hospital for the National Institutes of Health,” which includes NIAID, as Grady helpfully noted in her book.
According to its website, NIAID “collaborates with more than 70 countries through investigator-instigated research grants and multicenter vaccine, therapeutics, microbicide and prevention clinical research networks.” NIAID is also “poised to tackle new global research challenges as well as the changing demographics of the HIV/AIDS epidemic.”
Outgoing CC director John Gallin praised Grady as “a strong international voice in human subjects protections,” a matter of great significance for Grady and her husband.
As Grady explained in her book, “The regulations governing the conduct for clinical trials for vaccines in the U.S. are the same as those for clinical trials of drugs.” To treat AIDS, Fauci’s drug of choice was AZT, azidothymidine, marketed as Zidovudine and Retrovir.
As UC Berkeley molecular biologist Peter Duesberg (Inventing the AIDS Virus) noted in 1990, AZT is a DNA chain terminator designed for treatment of leukemia but never accepted for cancer therapy. AZT is cytotoxic, lethal to body cells, and there was no evidence that AZT would cure or prevent AIDS. Professor Duesberg wrote the foreword to John Lauritsen’s Poison by Prescription: The AZT Story, published in 1992 and endorsed by, among others, UC Berkeley molecular biologist Harry Rubin, a pioneer in the field of retroviruses.
Lauritsen noted “Effects of Continuous Intravenous Infusion of Zidovudine (AZT) in Children with Symptomatic HIV Infection,” by Phillip Rizzo et al., published in the New England Journal of Medicine on October 6, 1988. Five of the 21 children in the trial died, but the fatalities escaped the attention of Christine Grady, a mother of three.
In 1992, Dr. Fauci’s NAIAD approved secretive trials of AZT and other dangerous drugs on foster children in New York, nearly all of them African American. According to Jamie Doran, who produced the Guinea Pig Kids documentary for the BBC, “many of the children incidentally had been taken by force from their parents or guardians and put into either foster homes or children’s homes in the city.”
In these homes such as the Incarnation Children’s Center in Harlem, “they were carrying out tests which even under federal rules are certainly illegal. You have to be clear, to use foster children in experimentation, it’s prohibited unless there is a direct benefit to those children.”
That was hardly the case.
“We’re talking about up to 20 drugs in a single cocktail given to individual children,” Doran said. “We’re talking about drugs like didanosine, which is a very toxic drug; zidovudine, which is the famous AZT which can cause severe anemia; nevirapine, that’s the drug that’s been known to cause Stevens-Johnson Syndrome, which is an enormously painful flaking of the skin,” appearing “as if a young child has just been pulled from a fire.”
Nurses were told that if the kids were vomiting, losing their ability to walk, or dying, “this was all because of an HIV infection.” The children improved when taken off the drugs but the NIAID researchers took away the children, who were “totally and utterly vulnerable.”
In The Search for an AIDS Vaccine Grady touts “the availability and effectiveness of AZT” as a boon to research. The book shapes up as a post-facto justification for her husband’s gruesome drug trials, and invites a look at Dr. Fauci’s performance during the pandemic.
Children were the group least vulnerable to the COVID virus but from the start Dr. Fauci set out to vaccinate children. The NIAID boss endorsed doses of Pfizer’s vaccine for children ages six months through 4 years old. As Dr. Fauci explained, for kids under the age of four, “it looks like it will be a three-dose regimen.”
As parents might recall, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) sought court approval to delay release of the data used to approve the Pfizer vaccine until 2096—a full 75 years—in effect, that is proxy for “never.” As Aaron Siri noted “a majority of Americans are now mandated to receive a COVID-19 vaccine under penalty of losing a job, or worse. This has never been done before.” Adult vaccine mandates have been limited and “school vaccine mandates have historically had liberal religious or personal belief exemption policies.”
Trouble is, “Americans, if injured, cannot sue Pfizer. There is virtually no other product where a consumer is prohibited from suing the company that manufactures, markets, and profits from the product.” As Siri explains, “decoupling a company’s profit interest from its interest in safety creates a moral hazard and departs from centuries of product liability doctrine.” This situation therefore “warrants unprecedented transparency,” but the FDA sought to keep it secret.
As parents might remember, Dr. Fauci’s wife Christine Grady maintains that children should not be one of the first groups to participate in trials, which of course does not rule out the kids. In effect, Christine Grady had pre-approved her husband for the child vaccine campaign.
For a different take on Fauci, consider Dr. Jonathan Fishbein, former Director of the NIH Office for Policy in Clinical Research Operations. The NIH official, a biologist who earned his MD at Johns Hopkins, was fired after flagging misconduct in Fauci’s trial of nevirapine to treat AIDS.
“Dealing with Tony Fauci is like dealing with organized crime,” Fishbein told Robert F. Kennedy Jr. in The Real Anthony Fauci. “He’s like the Godfather. He has connections everywhere. He’s always got people that he’s giving money to in powerful positions to make sure he gets his way, that he gets what he wants. These connections give him the ultimate power to fix everything, control every narrative, escape all consequences, and sweep all the dirt and all the bodies under the carpet and to terrorize and destroy anyone who crosses him.”
Fauci is the NIAID Godfather and dutiful wife Christine is the consigliere. NIAID underlings are the various capos and soldiers. Fauci’s associates are compliant politicians, media sycophants and government mouthpieces like Karine Jean-Pierre, all sworn to omertà, stony silence about Fauci’s misdeeds and connections to Big Pharma.
Those are chronicled at length in The Real Anthony Fauci, and author RFK Jr., a prominent Democrat, brands Fauci “a sociopath.” Elon Musk had good reason to tweet “prosecute Fauci” and the Twitter boss is not alone.
Dr. Robert Malone, inventor of mRNA vaccine technology, is calling for an international tribunal to investigate and prosecute Fauci and Peter Daszak, the bagman for Fauci’s grant to the Wuhan Institute of Virology. Dangerous gain-of-function research could be performed at the WIV, with no accountability to American taxpayers.
Anthony Fauci earned a medical degree in 1966 but in 1968 chose to hire on with the NIH. Dr. Fauci’s bio shows no advanced degrees in molecular biology or biochemistry, but in 1984 the NIH made him director of NIAID.
Nobel laureate Kary Mullis, inventor of the polymerase chain reaction (PCR), is on record that Dr. Fauci “doesn’t understand electronic microscopy and doesn’t understand medicine. He should not be in a position like he’s in.” But he was, from 1984 until 2023, wielding executive-level power but never having to face the voters.
“Tony’s departure will cause a tectonic shift in the modern history of the National Institutes of Health,” proclaims acting NIH boss Lawrence Tabak. “I have no doubt that he will continue to have an enormous impact on the world.” And doubtless on NIAID as well.
Fauci’s faithful wife Christine Grady remains at her NIH bioethics position, and Fauci still has “connections everywhere,” as Fishbein said. If anybody thought Fauci would run the place by remote control it would be hard to blame them. A likely candidate for his successor is Dr. Peter Hotez, a worshipful associate who wanted Fauci’s critics to be prosecuted under federal hate-crime laws.
The NIAID boss leads a $6.3 billion institute, with a staff of 5,300, and research efforts in more than 100 countries. The NIAID boss controls public health policy and spending on medical research. That is far too much money and power for any individual, especially a Faucist capo.
The NIAID director should work under a four-year contract, renewable once and subject to review. Since NIAID’s $6.3 billion comes from the people, every grant should be posted in full on a public website, in real time and downloadable form. That should be the rule for every NIH grant.
Members of the new Congress, listen up. If you fail to reform or defund NIAID, white coat supremacy will continue to diminish the rights, freedoms, and health of the people. Don’t say nobody told you.