The Prima Facie Case for Fraud

Over the past month, thousands of detailed voter fraud claims have stemmed from the contested November 3 presidential election.

Americans are discussing the intricacies of software algorithms used by the now-infamous Dominion Voting Systems. There has been scrutiny of the insecure chain of custody of mail-in ballots and the signature verification process for those ballots. In several cases, the poll-watching that normally regulates vote tallying appears to have excluded Republicans. There’s plenty of evidence that Joe Biden secured the reliably Democratic necromancers’ union vote, and that unregistered voters and felons voted illegally. Postal workers have come forward claiming they were told to backdate ballots if ballots were postmarked after Election Day.

But while many complex pieces of evidence outlined in sworn affidavits and presented by lawyers are certainly necessary for the court battles that lie ahead, the court of public opinion is perhaps a more important battleground.

If the public at large thinks that Republican claims of voter fraud are, in the parlance of our times, malarkey, the courts will be less likely to hear Republicans’ cases or rule in Republicans’ favor. Bucking the public sentiment is not easy, even for judges who have sworn to remain impartial and rule in a manner consistent with facts. 

President Trump senses this. It’s why he described the need for a “brave judge, or justice” to hear his cases.

So instead of getting lost in the minutia, it might work in Republicans’ favor, especially in the court of public opinion, to harp on the prima facie case for voter fraud.

On that front, the obvious place to start is with Joe Biden’s vote total—supposedly a whopping 80 million. It’s a staggering number and one that could be called “unbelievable,” in the true sense of that word.

That is close to 15 million more votes than Hillary Clinton received in 2016.

Was Joe Biden, whose handful of campaign events featured around 12 or so people trapped in COVID circles, or a few parked cars honking their horns, inspiring enough to garner 15 million more voters than Hillary? Was he a masterful debater who significantly outperformed Clinton on that national stage? Could he put two sentences together without getting confused? Does he know what planet he’s on? Probably not.

By contrast, President Trump spearheaded an outright revolution against the political class in 2016, invigorating millions to attend his rallies and sparking a movement that—no matter the outcome of the 2020 race—will be a force in American politics for decades to come. The energy and enthusiasm of the original Trump campaign are unmatched in modern political history. Still, in 2016, he only outperformed Mitt Romney’s 2012 vote total by about two million votes.

Worth noting, Joe Biden also surpassed Barack Obama’s 2008 vote total of 69 million by about 11 million votes. Even Democrats and the media (but I repeat myself) seem unwilling to argue that Joe Biden was a more exciting or inspiring candidate than his top-of-the-ticket running mate.

Both the improbable vote totals and the candidates’ enthusiasm gap serve as clear-cut, prima facie evidence of fraud.  

Biden’s otherworldly 80 million votes are being explained away as hatred for President Trump. The media will have you believe that Americans were spurred into action, not to vote for Joe Biden, but to vote against the Bad Orange Man. President Trump, they say, is such a loathsome figure that a record number of Americans had no choice but to vote against him.

But that’s not really true.

President Trump garnered 74 million votes this year. That’s about 11 million more than he won in 2016. While President Trump’s popularity significantly and demonstrably increased among the voting populace, a record-breaking number of people also voted against him? That assertion is ridiculous on its face.

Here’s more prima facie evidence of fraud from pollster Richard Baris of Big Data Poll. 

“Biden underperformed Hillary Clinton in every major metro area around the country, save for Milwaukee, Detroit, Atlanta, and Philadelphia,” Baris said.

Biden also underperformed Clinton in New York City by a wide margin, and the only exception to Baris’ rule was Los Angeles, where Biden received about 600,000 more votes than Clinton did in 2016. The pair virtually tied in Chicago.

But in all of the major cities in the four most important swing states, Joe Biden managed to crush Hillary Clinton. How convenient.

And what about those down-ballot races? We were promised a Blue Wave by Democrats, and in 2018 a Red Wave by Republicans. Each side was supposed to mop the floor with the other, up and down the ballot. That’s not what happened.

Somehow, Joe Biden’s supposed 80 million vote insurgency didn’t manage to matriculate to Democrats down-ballot. In such polarizing times, that doesn’t add up.

In fact, in 2018, when Donald Trump was not at the top of the ballot, Republicans lost 40 seats in the House. In 2020, when Donald Trump was at the top of the ballot, they gained 12 House seats, suggesting that his presence on the ballot galvanized Republicans.

And those hundreds of sworn affidavits mentioned above, each of which testifies under penalty of perjury to some kind of voting irregularity? Those affidavits themselves are prima facie evidence of voter fraud.

Unless hundreds of Americans from every corner of the country have conspired to lie under oath on behalf of President Trump, risking their liberty to cheat the Democrats out of victory, the sheer number of documented irregularities cannot be ignored. If these claims are indeed fabricated, they would comprise the single largest conspiracy in the history of American electoral politics.

Republicans are ready to bring detailed evidence of voter fraud to court. That’s great.

But first, they must win in the court of public opinion by bull horning the glaring, prima facie irregularities of the 2020 election cycle for the entire nation to see. 

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About Peter D'Abrosca

Peter D'Abrosca is a conservative campaign strategist, author, and columnist. A proud law school dropout, he is not a decorated member of the fancy credentialed class, and that's just the way he prefers it. He considers himself a political outsider who seeks to give a voice to the long-forgotten American working class.

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