Democrats 2018: The Reds, the Whites, and the Blues

Since Democrats are still in a mood about losing to Donald Trump nearly two years ago, we shouldn’t expect to see them waving Old Glory today. The Women’s March, the March for Science, the Dreamers March, the Travel Ban March, and the Families Belong Together March undoubtedly have these serial protestors worn out; they’ll probably skip the neighborhood Fourth of July parade, too.

With four months until the pivotal midterm elections, Democrats are angrier and more chaotic than they were in the days following the 2016 presidential election. Each Trump tweet or policy announcement sparks a spasm of collective outrage; the Left is so unmoored from rational thought that some folks are actually mad at an octogenarian for deciding to retire from the Supreme Court. Kicking the president’s press secretary and her family out of a restaurant is cheered as a Rosa Parks moment in reverse. Children are used as props to bully lawmakers about gun control, climate change, and immigration.

And everyone has the sads.

The flag is not flying high for Democrats in 2018. Its colors don’t symbolize strength or unity; instead, they represent the party’s calamitous palette of socialism, identity politics, and petulant outbursts:

The Reds: Socialism has long been the recessive gene in the modern Democratic Party’s DNA. The Obama presidency featured plenty of socialist tendencies, from collectivizing health care to expanding federal regulatory powers to spying on political foes. This is why, under Obama’s reign, Democrats lost control of nearly 1,000 seats nationwide.

But rather than reversing its leftward lurch, Democrats are accelerating it. Trump is exposing the anti-capitalist core of the modern-day Democratic Party and even converting one-time defenders of democracy and capitalism on the Right into mini-Che Guevaras, guerilla tactics and all. (Who will ever forget the tender moment when neoconservative Bill Kristol admitted that he just “found his inner socialist”?)

If Bernie Sanders was the Democratic Party’s voice of socialism in 2016, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is its pretty face in 2018. Her shocking win over Rep. Joe Crowley in the June 26 New York congressional primary catapulted her to instant stardom; she is making the rounds on cable news, the Sunday political shows and even got a gig on Stephen Colbert. The New York Times is swooning over Ocasio-Cortez; the paper’s editorial board last weekend said aging Democratic leaders such as Nancy Pelosi should now step aside because the party “is supposed to be the party of the future, the forward-looking party, the party of youth and progress.”

But Ocasio-Cortez, 28, is a self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist. She has a weird campaign slogan—”no person in America should be too poor to live”—and rings the bell for taxpayer-funded (or, as socialists like to call it, “free”) health care, college tuition, trade school programs, housing, and food. The energetic Latina wants the federal government to guarantee everyone a job; abolish ICE; close private prisons; and enact stricter gun control. The day before her upset victory, Vogue published a profile on Ocasio-Cortez, claiming she “might just be the future of the Democratic Party.” Democratic strategists are embracing the party’s socialist shift. (If you want nightmares tonight, read the platform of her original party, the Democratic Socialists of America.)

Ocasio-Cortez is leveraging her celebrity status to plug other socialist candidates in congressional districts across the country. This is already making some Democrats nervous: On “Meet the Press” Sunday morning, host Chuck Todd suggested that the political novice repackage her worldview: “Some Americans hear ‘socialism’ and they tie it to ugly governments from the past. [Duh, Chuck.] How do you sell this to older Americans?”

And just like that, the debate within the Democratic Party moved from “who will vote to impeach President Trump” to “who will embrace the economic and social tenets of a failed ideology with a brutal history.” But a telegenic woman “from the Bronx” might be able to put enough red lipstick on the pig of socialism and get plenty of Democratic voters to buy what she’s selling.

The Whites: White, working-class men and white women put Donald Trump in the White House; Democrats are still holding a grudge. Instead of trying to win back whites who live in the 206 counties that twice voted for Barack Obama but voted for Trump in 2016, Democrats are ignoring them. The party has no policy agenda to attract disaffected whites—particularly in the critical battleground of the Midwest, a region that the president is heavily courting—and Democrats and their propagandists in the media are amping up identity politics to the point of villainizing white Americans who don’t agree with them.

White Trump voters have been called racists, Nazis, misogynists, and bigots. Signs at rallies organized by Democratic activists, such as last weekend’s national immigration protests, mock patriotism and insult white people who want secure borders. (Check out these gems.) An unreasonable focus on illegal immigration not only distracts party leadership from developing the economic message it needs to appeal to working-class whites, it is politically counterproductive; Trump’s immigration policies are supported by many Americans.

Fifty-five percent of whites have an unfavorable view of the Democratic Party; white Americans now view the GOP as the party that is more concerned with both “regular Americans” and “American workers,” according to the latest YouGov poll. That is an ominous sign for a Democratic Party that cannot afford to lose middle-class whites and expect to win future presidential elections. Party sage and MSNBC host Chris Matthews recently warned about the “elitism” of Democratic leaders: “They claim they’re better than anybody else. A true Democrat thinks they’re no better than anybody else.”

The Blues: We know Democrats are mad; but they also are sad. Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) started the sobfest in January 2017 when he teared up because of Trump’s so-called travel ban. (It earned him the nickname “Cryin’ Chuck” from the president.) Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), a possible Democratic presidential contender in 2020, cried when he heard the president allegedly used the term “shithole countries.” More recently, Rep. Elijah Cummings cried about “child internment camps” during a Capitol Hill hearing and MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow had an unconvincing breakdown over young migrant children being sent to shelters in Texas. Cries of despair can be heard on a recording of Democratic National Committee members when they found out Anthony Kennedy will retire from the Supreme Court. Actor Michael Ian Black tweeted last week that he has “never felt continual, daily dread about my country before. I wake up with it, go to sleep with it. It’s exhausting.”

The Left has the collective emotional grip of a 12-year-old girl: Its poster child still is the woman in the infamous video who wails in agony after Trump is sworn-in as president. This is not a winning look.

So, there is no Yankee Doodle Dandy for our countrymen on the other side of the political aisle. A party that is embracing the Reds, ignoring the Whites, and suffering from the Blues has little shot of reclaiming power this fall. And for those of us on the Right, that is worth celebrating this week.

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About Julie Kelly

Julie Kelly is a political commentator and senior contributor to American Greatness. She is the author of Disloyal Opposition: How the NeverTrump Right Tried―And Failed―To Take Down the President Her past work can be found at The Federalist and National Review. She also has been featured in the Wall Street Journal, The Hill, Chicago Tribune, Forbes, and Genetic Literacy Project. After college graduation, she served as a policy and communications consultant for several Republican candidates and elected officials in suburban Chicago. She also volunteered for her local GOP organization. After staying home for more than 10 years to raise her two daughters, Julie began teaching cooking classes out of her home. She then started writing about food policy, agriculture, and biotechnology, as well as climate change and other scientific issues. She graduated from Eastern Illinois University in 1990 with a degree in communications and minor degrees in political science and journalism. Julie lives in suburban Chicago with her husband, two daughters, and (unfortunately) three dogs.

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